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Enough already. When people try to be cheerful about social distancing and working from home, noting that William Shakespeare and Isaac Newton did some of their best work while England was ravaged by the plague, there is an obvious response: Neither of them had child-care responsibilities.
Shakespeare spent most of his career in London, where the theaters were, while his family lived in Stratford-upon-Avon. During the plague of 1606, the playwright was lucky to be spared from the epidemic—his landlady died at the height of the outbreak—and his wife and two adult daughters stayed safely in the Warwickshire countryside.
Newton, meanwhile, never married or had children. He saw out the Great Plague of 1665–6 on his family’s estate in the east of England, and spent most of his adult life as a fellow at Cambridge University, where his meals and housekeeping were provided by the college.
For those with caring responsibilities, an infectious-disease outbreak is unlikely to give them time to write King Lear or develop a theory of optics.
A pandemic magnifies all existing inequalities (even as politicians insist this is not the time to talk about anything other than the immediate crisis).
Working from home in a white-collar job is easier; employees with salaries and benefits will be better protected; self-isolation is less taxing in a spacious house than a cramped apartment.
But one of the most striking effects of the coronavirus will be to send many couples back to the 1950s.
Across the world, women’s independence will be a silent victim of the pandemic. Purely as a physical illness, the coronavirus appears to affect women less severely.
But in the past few days, the conversation about the pandemic has broadened: We are not just living through a public-health crisis, but an economic one.
As much of normal life is suspended for three months or more, job losses are inevitable. At the same time, school closures and household isolation are moving the work of caring for children from the paid economy—nurseries, schools, babysitters—to the unpaid one.
The coronavirus smashes up the bargain that so many dual-earner couples have made in the developed world: We can both work, because someone else is looking after our children. Instead, couples will have to decide which one of them takes the hit.
Many stories of arrogance are related to this pandemic. Among the most exasperating is the West’s failure to learn from history: the Ebola crisis in three African countries in 2014; Zika in 2015–6; and recent outbreaks of SARS, swine flu, and bird flu.
Academics who studied these episodes found that they had deep, long-lasting effects on gender equality. “Everybody’s income was affected by the Ebola outbreak in West Africa,” Julia Smith, a health-policy researcher at Simon Fraser University, told The New York Times this month, but “men’s income returned to what they had made pre-outbreak faster than women’s income.”
The distorting effects of an epidemic can last for years, Clare Wenham, an assistant professor of global-health policy at the London School of Economics, told me.
“We also saw declining rates of childhood vaccination [during Ebola].” Later, when these children contracted preventable diseases, their mothers had to take time off work.
At an individual level, the choices of many couples over the next few months will make perfect economic sense. What do pandemic patients need? Looking after. What do self-isolating older people need? Looking after. What do children kept home from school need? Looking after.
All this looking after—this unpaid caring labor—will fall more heavily on women, because of the existing structure of the workforce.
“It’s not just about social norms of women performing care roles; it’s also about practicalities,” Wenham added. “Who is paid less? Who has the flexibility?”
According to the British government’s figures, 40 percent of employed women work part-time, compared with only 13 percent of men. In heterosexual relationships, women are more likely to be the lower earners, meaning their jobs are considered a lower priority when disruptions come along.
And this particular disruption could last months, rather than weeks.
Some women’s lifetime earnings will never recover. With the schools closed, many fathers will undoubtedly step up, but that won’t be universal.
Despite the mass entry of women into the workforce during the 20th century, the phenomenon of the “second shift” still exists.
Across the world, women—including those with jobs—do more housework and have less leisure time than their male partners.
Even memes about panic-buying acknowledge that household tasks such as food shopping are primarily shouldered by women. “I’m not afraid of COVID-19 but what is scary, is the lack of common sense people have,” reads one of the most popular tweets about the coronavirus crisis.
“I’m scared for people who actually need to go to the store & feed their fams but Susan and Karen stocked up for 30 years.”
The joke only works because “Susan” and “Karen”—stand-in names for suburban moms—are understood to be responsible for household management, rather than, say, Mike and Steve.
Look around and you can see couples already making tough decisions on how to divide up this extra unpaid labor.
When I called Wenham, she was self-isolating with two small children; she and her husband were alternating between two-hour shifts of child care and paid work. That is one solution; for others, the division will run along older lines.
Dual-income couples might suddenly find themselves living like their grandparents, one homemaker and one breadwinner.
“My spouse is a physician in the emergency dept, and is actively treating #coronavirus patients. We just made the difficult decision for him to isolate & move into our garage apartment for the foreseeable future as he continues to treat patients,” wrote the Emory University epidemiologist Rachel Patzer, who has a three-week-old baby and two young children.
“As I attempt to home school my kids (alone) with a new baby who screams if she isn’t held, I am worried about the health of my spouse and my family.”
Single parents face even harder decisions: While schools are closed, how do they juggle earning and caring?
No one should be nostalgic for the “1950s ideal” of Dad returning to a freshly baked dinner and freshly washed children, when so many families were excluded from it, even then. And in Britain today, a quarter of families are headed by a single parent, more than 90 percent of whom are women.
Closed schools make their life even harder.
Other lessons from the Ebola epidemic were just as stark—and similar, if perhaps smaller, effects will be seen during this crisis in the developed world. School closures affected girls’ life chances, because many dropped out of education. (A rise in teenage-pregnancy rates exacerbated this trend.) Domestic and sexual violence rose. And more women died in childbirth because resources were diverted elsewhere.
“There’s a distortion of health systems, everything goes towards the outbreak,” said Wenham, who traveled to west Africa as a researcher during the Ebola crisis.
“Things that aren’t priorities get canceled. That can have an effect on maternal mortality, or access to contraception.”
The United States already has appalling statistics in this area compared with other rich countries, and black women there are twice as likely to die in childbirth as white women.
For Wenham, the most striking statistic from Sierra Leone, one of the countries worst affected by Ebola, was that from 2013 to 2016, during the outbreak, more women died of obstetric complications than the infectious disease itself.
But these deaths, like the unnoticed caring labor on which the modern economy runs, attract less attention than the immediate problems generated by an epidemic. These deaths are taken for granted.
In her book Invisible Women, Caroline Criado Perez notes that 29 million papers were published in more than 15,000 peer-reviewed titles around the time of the Zika and Ebola epidemics, but less than 1 percent explored the gendered impact of the outbreaks.
Wenham has found no gender analysis of the coronavirus outbreak so far; she and two co-authors have stepped into the gap to research the issue.
The evidence we do have from the Ebola and Zika outbreaks should inform the current response. In both rich and poor countries, campaigners expect domestic-violence rates to rise during lockdown periods.
Stress, alcohol consumption, and financial difficulties are all considered triggers for violence in the home, and the quarantine measures being imposed around the world will increase all three.
The British charity Women’s Aid said in a statement that it was “concerned that social distancing and self-isolation will be used as a tool of coercive and controlling behaviour by perpetrators, and will shut down routes to safety and support.”
Researchers, including those I spoke with, are frustrated that findings like this have not made it through to policy makers, who still adopt a gender-neutral approach to pandemics.
They also worry that opportunities to collect high-quality data which will be useful for the future are being missed. For example, we have little information on how viruses similar to the coronavirus affect pregnant women—hence the conflicting advice during the current crisis—or, according to Susannah Hares, a senior policy fellow at the Center for Global Development, sufficient data to build a model for when schools should reopen.
We shouldn’t make that mistake again. Grim as it is to imagine now, further epidemics are inevitable, and the temptation to argue that gender is a side issue, a distraction from the real crisis, must be resisted.
What we do now will affect the lives of millions of women and girls in future outbreaks. The coronavirus crisis will be global and long-lasting, economic as well as medical. However, it also offers an opportunity. This could be the first outbreak where gender and sex differences are recorded, and taken into account by researchers and policy makers.
For too long, politicians have assumed that child care and elderly care can be “soaked up” by private citizens—mostly women—effectively providing a huge subsidy to the paid economy.
This pandemic should remind us of the true scale of that distortion. Wenham supports emergency child-care provision, economic security for small-business owners, and a financial stimulus paid directly to families.
But she isn’t hopeful, because her experience suggests that governments are too short-termist and reactive.
“Everything that's happened has been predicted, right?” she told me. “As a collective academic group, we knew there would be an outbreak that came out of China, that shows you how globalization spreads disease, that’s going to paralyze financial systems, and there was no pot of money ready to go, no governance plan …
We knew all this, and they didn't listen. So why would they listen to something about women?”
'Femicide is the tip of the iceberg': Mexican women hold national strike to protest rising gender violence
Government figures show an average of 10 women killed per day in Mexico in 2019
CBC Radio · Mar 09, 2020
Women in Mexico are staging a one-day general strike Monday to protest gender-based violence, but one participant isn't sure how long it will be before she feels safer on the streets.
"I find it hard to be confident about that," said Raquel Lopez, who works for an NGO in Mexico City but will not be attending work Monday.
As a woman in Mexico "you're constantly looking around you, aware of your surroundings, trying to avoid certain interactions — especially with men," she told The Current's Matt Galloway.
But she said "at the same time, this is why we're doing this."
"Hopefully sometime in the future — maybe for our daughters or our nieces — we can start to change this."
Male employees attend customers after their female colleagues stayed away from work during the A Day Without Women protest Monday in Mexico City. (Gustavo Graf/Reuters)
Strike participants will stay away from schools and workplaces Monday, a day after tens of thousands marched through Mexico City to highlight the rising levels of femicide, a specific crime in Mexico where a woman is killed because of her gender.
Cases of femicide have more than doubled over the last five years to more than 1,000 in 2019, according to Mexico's Secretary General of National Public Security. That number is even higher when added to the deaths of women not counted as femicides by police; government figures put the number of women killed in Mexico at an average of 10 per day in 2019.
"I think it's something that we experience since we are very, very young," said Lopez.
"We start to learn certain things to do: never say that you are home alone ... even as an adult, planning your day around not being in the street, walking alone at night."
"Sometimes that's not enough, because in broad daylight I've had men come up to me and grab me."
President 'misunderstood' movement
Lopez hopes the strike action can start a conversation about stopping the violence.
Women walk past an elementary school, closed in solidarity with a nationwide women's strike in protest at gender-based violence. (Gustavo Graf/Reuters)
"It starts really with just the general culture of misogyny and disrespect, and this idea that they have control over our bodies and the way they just undervalue women in general," she said.
"I am hopeful that this will bring about at least more conversation, and hopefully this will also bring around a better response from the authorities, which for now have not really responded, I think, in a positive way."
Mexican President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador has faced criticism for his response to the violence, which he has said is being manipulated by the media and his own political rivals, while saying the solution lies in a return to traditional morality.
The president "has misunderstood the feminist movement," said Maricruz Ocampo, a feminist activist and human rights lawyer in Mexico City.
The problem existed before he came to power, she explained, and their protest is about wider structural inequality rather than the actions of one government.
"This is not just femicide. Femicide is the tip of the iceberg, and so we're going for the whole enchilada," she said.
"We're fighting for every other right: the right to get to work for equal pay, the right to walk on our streets without being bothered, the right to get into a university, the right to actually just be us."
She hopes the protest will change the president's mind.
"It's calculated 6.6 million women will stay at home," she said. "So if that doesn't make you think, then I don't know what will."
A formal request for judicial review submitted with the B.C. Supreme Court argues B.C.’s Environmental Assessment Office extended permit for Coastal GasLink pipeline without considering the findings of the National Inquiry on Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women
by Carol Linnitt, Feb 8, 2020, The Narwhal
Wet’suwet’en hereditary chiefs are requesting a judicial review of a decision made by the B.C. Environmental Assessment Office to extend the environmental certificate for the 670-kilometre Coastal GasLink pipeline.
The request, filed Feb. 3, argues an extension should not have been granted in light of more than 50 instances of non-compliance with the conditions of Coastal GasLink permits and in light of the findings of Canada’s National Inquiry on Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women.
The inquiry found there is “substantial evidence” that natural resource projects increase violence against Indigenous women and children and two-spirit individuals.
A final report released from the National Inquiry Committee in June found “work camps, or ‘man camps,’ associated with the resource extraction industry are implicated in higher rates of violence against Indigenous women at the camps and in the neighbouring communities.”
“Increased crime levels, including drug- and alcohol-related offences, sexual offences, and domestic and ‘gang’ violence, have been linked to ‘boom town’ and other resource development contexts. … There is an urgent need to consider the safety of Indigenous women consistently in all stages of project planning,” the report states.
Concerns about Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls are on visible display at the Unist’ot’en camp, located along the intended route of the Coastal GasLink pipeline, where for the past months red dresses — symbols of the epidemic of violence against Indigenous women and girls — hang on signposts or dangle in the air from lines of suspended wire.
Karla Tait, psychologist and director of clinical services at the Unist’ot’en Healing Centre, said the idea came about when the Wet’suwet’en learned of a proposed 400-person worker camp planned for just 13 kilometres from the healing centre.
“We put a call out for red dresses to be sent here, inviting anyone to send red dresses in honour of any missing and murdered Indigenous women in their lives and to help us raise awareness and visibility as Coastal GasLink workers were traveling into our territory and doing pre-construction work,” Tait, who is a Unist’ot’en house member, told The Narwhal. red dress Wet'suwet'en
The RCMP are currently enforcing a court injunction against members of the Wet’suwet’en and supporters occupying cultural camps in areas of Wet’suwet’en traditional territory that prevent work along the Coastal GasLink pipeline route.
Wet’suwet’en hereditary chiefs, representing all five clans of the Wet’suwet’en nation, argue the pipeline was permitted without their consent as legal custodians of the nation’s territory under Wet’suwet’en law and as recognized by Canada’s Supreme Court in a 1997 ruling known as the Delgamuukw decision.
Chiefs issued an eviction notice to Coastal GasLink workers in early January and after weeks of tense waiting, RCMP began arresting individuals within a designated exclusion zone, which extends from an RCMP checkpoint to beyond the Unist’ot’en camp, on Feb. 6.
A helicopter takes off after Freda Huson refused to talk to police at the Unist’ot’en camp on Saturday.
RCMP officers arrived at the Unist’ot’en camp, located at the 66-kilometre mark along the Morice River Forest Road, on Saturday morning following two days of arrests while dismantling Wet’suwet’en camps along the pipeline route. Wet’suwet’en at the camp have refused to comply with an RCMP request to surrender.
Unist’ot’en camp founder and spokesperson, Tsake’ze Howilhkat, who also goes by Freda Huson, said the camp is located 66 kilometres from the infamous Highway of Tears, notorious for its connection to the disappearance and murder of Indigenous women in B.C., many of whom she knew personally.
“Some of them are family, extended family, cousins and children. The latest one was our cousin’s daughter-in-law, left a one-year-old baby behind,” Huson told The Narwhal.
She recounted the experience of being on a search party for Frances Brown, who went missing while mushroom picking with her partner. The RCMP called off their search after five days.
“I, with many others, was out there for 35 to 37 days, every day from seven in the morning until seven at night we searched,” Huson said. “We were popping Tylenol because our bodies hurt so bad but we kept going out every day searching and we didn’t find any clues.”
Huson said she is angry the RCMP will deploy enormous resources to enforce an injunction against Indigenous people defending their territory but not to investigate the murder of Indigenous women or locate missing women or their remains.
“Maybe some of them are out here, somewhere,” Huson said of the area surrounding the Unist’ot’en camp. “Because of lot of them went missing and they could have easily went on these back roads. A lot of this territory was hardly used, so they could have been brought out here somewhere.”
There are 14 work camps planned to support the construction of the Coastal GasLink pipeline. Nine are already in operation, with additional camps expected to be built in 2020, according to a spokesperson with TC Energy, formerly TransCanada, which owns the pipeline.
Coastal GasLink permit extended without due process: lawyer Dinï ze’ Smogelgem, Hereditary Chief of the Laksamshu (Fireweed and Owl) clan said the Wet’suwet’en’s application for judicial review of Coastal GasLink certificate extension also points out the connection between the project and threats to women.
“My cousins are listed among the murdered and missing women and girls,” he said in a statement announcing the case. “B.C. must not be allowed to bend the rules to facilitate operations that are a threat to the safety of Wet’suwet’en women.”
Caily DiPuma, legal counsel for the Wet’suwet’en with Woodward and Co., said the request for judicial review is about questioning the integrity of the environmental assessment process. Coastal GasLink has not substantially started construction within the five years of its environmental certificate, granted in 2014, as is mandated in the permit.
The company requested the Environmental Assessment Office grant a permit extension. When considering a permit extension, the office is required to consider new significant and adverse impacts of the project and consider a proponent’s compliance in the five years in which they’ve been operating, DiPuma told The Narwhal.
“The EAO didn’t do either of those things properly,” she said. “We know there is a correlation between camps of workers, what are called ‘man camps,’ and violence against Indigenous girls and women and queer people,” DiPuma said, adding that the Calls to Action from the National Inquiry direct decision-makers “like the EAO to undertake an assessment of gender-based harms for these kinds of projects.”
Similar calls to action are directed at industry.
Despite this, the Environmental Assessment Office did not properly conduct an assessment of risks to Indigenous women from the Coastal GasLink project when extending its permits, DiPuma said.
“The EAO said Coastal GasLink would be prepared to consider doing so in the future. So, instead of creating a legally binding requirement for them to consider these harms, they took industry at its word that it would voluntarily do so at some point in the future.”
Coastal GasLink has also been found out of compliance with the conditions of its environmental certificate in more than 50 instances, according to the Environmental Assessment Office’s compliance program, including by restricting access to traplines and failing to adequately dispose of camp garbage.
Despite these many instances of non-compliance, the Environmental Assessment Office decided the company’s permit should be extended, DiPuma said.
“They haven’t explained to the public or my client why that should be.” Red dresses sentinel as RCMP raid looms The Unist’ot’en healing centre currently houses the remaining Wet’suwet’en members and supporters facing arrest by the RCMP.
The $2 million Unist’ot’en healing centre, which has received $400,000 from B.C.’s First Nations Health Authority to run land-based trauma and addictions treatment programs, is designed to provide services to vulnerable individuals, including youth in trauma treatment programs.
Tait said the red dresses hanging around the centre — some of which bear the initials of women people in the camp have lost — will act as a confrontation to the RCMP officers performing arrests.
“It’s a chance for the RCMP to confront those women, in a way, and be held to account on their failure to protect their safety,” Tait said. But, she added, it’s also an opportunity for these lost and voiceless women to stand in solidarity with their community and family.
“We have a line of red dresses across the bridge because we think it’s a very powerful statement and it’s an invitation to the spirits of those women to come and stand and face the RCMP who are failing to seek justice on their behalf, who failed to protect their safety by being complicit in this epidemic that our communities are facing.”
Tait, who faces imminent arrest herself, said she believes women have a particular responsibility to protect Wet’suwet’en territory.
“We are a matrilineal culture, so our women are our strength. The women make the decisions about the land, because we know our children depend on the land, they inherit our territory after we’re gone and that’s all through the mother’s line.
So it really feels like it’s a deep responsibility for us as women to make sure there’s territory intact, there’s a safer future for our children that are coming and that these lands will remain here and remain a sanctuary for our people.”
The Wet’suwet’en application for a judicial review was served to Kevin Jardine, associate deputy minister of the environment and the executive director of the Environmental Assessment Office, as well as Coastal GasLink.
DiPuma said her office has yet to hear back from the substantive parties. “They’ve got some time to consider their position on this. It’s up to them to determine if they reconsider the permit or if they want to go to court.”
Climate change: the fault of the patriarchy
Climate change and the patriarchy are closely bound together, especially in Poland. Ignorance of the rights of minorities, including women, results in a toxic climate being created around them.
By Piotr Trzaskowski, 26 November 2019
The origins of the exploitation of natural resources and the climate are associated with the exploitation of minority groups, including women. Both phenomena are the result of the belief in the dominance of humanity (traditionally the white man) over nature. “Caring for the environment comes from caring for human society, and these must go hand in hand. Respect for other people is associated with respect for living entities that we do not recognise as human beings.”
In an interview with the Warsaw office of the Heinrich Böll Foundation, Zofia Nierodzińska*, co-creator of the banner “Climate change – the fault of the patriarchy” from a demonstration during the Camp for Climate (Obóz dla Klimatu), explains how the feminist movement is connected with climate protection.
At the demonstration during this year's Camp for Climate, you held the banner “Climate change – the fault of the patriarchy”. Where did the idea come from?
The banner was created collaboratively during the Camp for Climate, where we joined with others involved to come up with and paint slogans that we then used in a demonstration against lignite mining in Greater Poland. It seems to me that we decided on this slogan because it most succinctly sums up what is happening, expressing the political and social dimension of engagement in climate issues.
Both elements of the slogan – climate change and the patriarchy – are closely interrelated, especially in Poland. The authorities’ disregard of the rights of minorities, including women, results in a toxic climate being created around them. Since at least 1993, when abortion was banned, women's rights have not been respected. We combined the ignoring of minority rights, including those of women, with the climate, which is also being exploited. Animals and raw materials are being treated as if they had simply been provided for all time, and humanity could dispose of them at its leisure. But they are deeply connected to us, and their exploitation is resulting in the approaching political and ecological catastrophe.
How was the slogan received?
People in our circles immediately responded to it positively during the demonstration. I also noticed that the slogan began to spread in other contexts on the Internet. I saw activists from Ukraine using a similar slogan. Someone also held it up during a climate demonstration in Warsaw. I’m very happy that it’s gone viral. So far I’ve had positive responses. Perhaps because the slogan hits the mark, it articulates what we all sense but usually describe in long, complex sentences. It seems to be working.
What do you mean by “the patriarchy”? How do you think the patriarchy is contributing to climate change?
The word patria itself means fatherland, and is derived from pater, meaning father. The patriarchy means men’s power over other beings, including women.
As far as the Polish context is concerned, it is the privilege of the male part of society, and more specifically of economically privileged men, and the fitting of laws to suit their needs, as if other groups or entities and their specific needs did not exist. The impact of this kind of anthropocentric thinking, where the white male stands at the top of the hierarchy, leads to the rights of others and the laws of nature not being respected. This perspective that places humanity at the centre of the universe, above the environment, will also result in us ultimately wiping ourselves off this earth.
We think that our needs are the most important, we pay no attention to our interconnections or the fact that we are part of a larger system that is not here to serve us. We all have to function together on Earth. It seems to me that the patriarchal hierarchy is the root of all problems.
Is the women's movement involved in climate protection? If so, then why?
The women's movement ... I would call it the feminist movement. You can find historical examples of feminist involvement in ecology. The eco-feminist movement actually began in the late sixties, more or less with the sexual revolution of ’68. It belonged to the second-wave feminist movements, which mainly grew in the United States and Western Europe, but you have to remember the non-European context, with the Chipko movement in India (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chipko_movement), for example. Chipko stands for “hug” in Hindi. So this is a movement, or rather a lack of movement, the refusal to leave a place, where hugging a tree is a form of protest. With this gesture, Indian women wanted to protect the forest from industrial logging in the regions where they lived, and they succeeded. That forest was indeed not felled. Wangari Maathai (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wangari_Maathai) was also very effective – a Nobel laureate from Kenya mainly involved in planting trees and conserving natural resources. It seems to me that these people and acts are absolutely associated with feminist movements.
Ecofeminism essentialised more in the 1970s; the metaphor was used likening a woman's body to mother nature. Today, I would instead speak of the Earth as a lover who needs to be cared for so that she doesn’t leave. We expect something of a mother, but in relation to the climate crisis it is human agency that is now being emphasised. The ethics of care, which is born of the feminist movement, speaks of this care. The issue of care itself, and of going beyond the needs of the individual, matters in relation to the climate.
Changing the image of the Earth from mother to lover comes from the ecosexual movement represented by, for example, Annie Sprinkle and Elizabeth Stephens (http://sexecology.org), two artists active in the United States. Ecosexuality emphasises the pleasure we derive from being in nature, walking in the woods and drinking clean water, and the rudimentary empathy that we feel for non-human beings.
I think empathy resides in all living creatures. Just like the awareness that we are all connected to one other. It is only later in the education process that we begin to get rid of this in order to fit the regimes of the systems in which we operate, the neoliberal system based on the exploitation of raw materials and the patriarchal system that privileges the white man and, in psychoanalytical terms, condemns us to cut ourselves off from our mother’s body, from nature. These systems have led to us think that we have nothing to do with nature, that we can use it at will, and that it has no influence on us whatsoever.
Does the climate movement care for women's rights?
I think that people in climate movements care about themselves and about each other. There are of course different climate movements and, unfortunately, environmentalists who hold right-wing or even nationalist views, but the movement that I am involved in and is important to me is built on feminist and queer foundations. In it, caring for the environment comes from care for human communities. They have to go hand in hand. Respect for other people is associated with respect for living entities that we do not recognise as human beings.
Do you think that art can help us save ourselves from climate disaster?
I’d like to believe so, but I don’t think anything can save us from it. I don’t think we can expect anything to save us – we're not actors in an American movie. I don’t think we can think in terms of some sort of salvation. What we can do is use the various tools available to us. Some know law, so they can use the law to sue banks, power plant owners or governments in order to support the climate movement. When it comes to artists, or makers of cultural products as I prefer to refer to them and myself, we simply use the tools of art. It is just as effective or ineffective as any other means. It’s simply what we do on a daily basis, and everyone should use what they have within their reach, what they know best. I see art as a tool, or rather as an opportunity to speak on various topics, not as a higher power that will save us.
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