Perspectives and information in support of Canada adopting the Nordic Model to address prostitution

Please look for the following articles posted in the dialogue area below:

M.PAULUS : Out of Control. On liberties and criminal developments in the redlight districts of the Federal Republic of Germany. Publié le 2014/05/06 par resources prostitution   
By Manfred Paulus, retired detective chief superintendent, Ulm/Danube, June 2013

Open letter calls for Nordic approach to prostitution in Canada
by Staff,, Apr 23, 2014

Prostitution laws should follow Nordic model, former sex trade worker says
Activist tells Calgary panel discussion Ottawa's new legislation should criminalize the users CBC News, Feb 28, 2014

Province urges feds to use Nordic model on sex trade Targets pimps, johns rather than workers by Mary Agnes Welch, Winnipeg Free Press, 02/15/2014

French go Nordic on prostitution: new report explains why Australia should be next
Coalition Against Trafficking in Women Australia 2 Dec 2013

Feminist Current 10 myths about prostitution, trafficking and the Nordic model
by Meagan Tyler, Dec 8, 2013

Buying sex should be banned in Australia
by Meagan Tyler, The Conversation, 3 December 2013

The Swedish chapter of Amnesty rejects Amnesty International’s proposal to decriminalise the purchase of sex acts
At its annual meeting in Malmö this weekend, the Swedish section will adopt a clear position against legalizing the prostitution system.
by Erik Magnusson, May 8, 2014

Former President Jimmy Carter Condemns Amnesty International UK Document “Decriminalization of Sex Work” & AI Position that Pimps and Johns Should Be “Free from Government Interference”
by Robin Morgan, April 30, 2014

London’s Police Chief Promotes ‘Nordic Model’ Following Human Trafficking Pilot Project
London, Ontario, Canada / (CFPL AM) AM 980
by Natalie Lovie, April 17, 2014

Academics Voice Support for 'Nordic Model' of Prostitution Open Letter
IB TimesBy Hannah Osborne | IB Times – Feb 26, 2014

Uncovered: Shocking investigation reveals sex trade in girls bought in Romania and sold as prostitutes in Britain
Feb 22, 2014 By Matthew Drake

What is the 'Nordic Model'?

Amnesty branches oppose Amnesty International’s sex industry agenda
NORMAC Spokesperson Matthew Holloway May 10, 2014 Tasmania Times

Attacking the demand for child sex trafficking
by Siddharth Kara

REED postcard campaign to support the Nordic Model in Canada "Canada can do better"
April 23rd 2014

and many more ....

Open letter calls for Nordic approach to prostitution in Canada
by Staff,, Apr 23, 2014

Editor's note: The following open letter on the topic of prostitution in Canada has garnered over 800 signatures. It was written in response to another open letter that called for the decriminalization of sex work.

Open letter: 300 researchers call for decriminalization of sex work in Canada
Ottawa eyes Nordic model for prostitution legislation

Right Hon. Stephen Harper, Prime Minister, Leader of the
Conservative Party of Canada,
Mr. Thomas Mulcair, MP, Leader of the Official Opposition, the New
Democratic Party of Canada,
Mr. Justin Trudeau, MP, Leader of the Liberal Party of Canada,
Mr. Jean-François Fortin, MP, Interim Leader of the Bloc Québécois,
Ms. Elizabeth May, MP, Leader of the Green Party of Canada

April 23, 2014

Dear Sirs and Madam,

We—the undersigned—are women who work in different capacities to end violence against women and to protect and advance women’s rights to equality. Prostitution is a practice in which women’s subordination to men is inherent and lived out repeatedly. Consequently, we are writing to you today to urge you to support the “Nordic approach” to legislation on prostitution for Canada, because it includes legislation, intensive social supports, and public education strategies, all designed to reduce and eliminate prostitution.

We are aware of the March 27 open letter from the Gender and Sexual Health Initiative at the University of British Columbia (GSHI), which calls for decriminalization of all aspects of prostitution, including buyers and profiteers, on the grounds that this is the only “evidence‑based” policy option.

The use of the term “evidence-based” has become a smear used by those supporting the sex industry to suggest that those who oppose it in the name of women’s equality are arguing from a position of nothing more than anecdote or opinion.  The list of signatories implies that only those with formal credentials can “research” or interpret evidence.  We reject both of these premises.  Evidence about the harms of prostitution is gathered by academic researchers, survivors of prostitution and those working on the front-line. That evidence proves that prostitution is violence against women.

This is not only a dispute about evidence; it is a dispute about goals and principles, and legislators will have to decide carefully which principles they wish to uphold, and which goals they wish to pursue, for women in Canada. The evidence in the same studies and government reports cited in the GHSI letter supports intensive efforts, worldwide, to reduce and eliminate prostitution. All reports and studies on prostitution confirm that, as the Ontario Court of Appeal said in Bedford, “prostitution is inherently dangerous in virtually any circumstance.”[1] Merely attempting to reduce the ancillary dangers of prostitution is an inadequate, and in our view, discriminatory strategy.

The signatories to the GHSI letter believe that prostitution, or ‘sex work’, is sex between consenting adults; that a bright line can be drawn between ‘sex work’ and trafficking and child prostitution; and that a harm reduction strategy is all that is necessary to moderate the worst effects of the commercial sex industry.  We believe that prostitution constitutes violence against women because it is a practice of subordination and exploitation that is gendered, raced, and classed; that, as the Supreme Court of Canada found in Bedford, most women cannot be said to choose prostitution,[2] and consequently, in the experience of women, any line between prostitution, trafficking and child prostitution is more artificial than real. Therefore, we believe that a strategy that affirms the human dignity of women and girls is essential and the only approach consistent with Canada’s principles of equality.

A Women’s Equality Framework

First of all, any new approach to prostitution must be set in a women’s equality framework and reflect the fact that equality for women is a fundamental principle of Canadian law, enshrined in the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, and set out in human rights legislation that governs employment and services in all jurisdictions in the country.  Prostitution is a social institution that both manifests and embeds the inequality between women and men, perpetuating women’s subordination to men, and their status as sexual commodities for men’s use. In Canada, as elsewhere, men are overwhelmingly buyers and women are the ones being sold. It is not sufficient in the face of these facts to take an approach that might merely reduce the harms that surround prostitution, when prostitution itself is a reinforcement of women’s subordination.

Further, the evidence is clear, including in affidavits filed by both the claimants and the defendants in the Bedford case, that women enter into prostitution because of economic need and profound social disadvantage. As it makes no sense to penalize women for their sexual, social, and economic inequality, we endorse the legislative approach of the Nordic model, that is, to decriminalize those—usually women— who are being bought and sold, but to apply criminal sanctions to buyers, pimps, and those who profit from the sale of women’s bodies. The criminal law by itself is not a solution to the inequality problem that prostitution represents, but it is essential, in our view, that the criminal law convey a clear message about women’s equality in Canada: in this case, the message that men’s purchase of sex is an egregious and impermissible violation of equality rights.

Who is in Prostitution?

Most women in prostitution in Canada are there because of poverty, homelessness, addictions, lack of social supports, racism, and the many harsh impacts of colonialism on Aboriginal communities and families. Aboriginal women and girls are disproportionately represented in street prostitution and among women in prostitution who have been murdered. In British Columbia, as the Asian Women Coalition Ending Prostitution (AWCEP) has documented, Asian women are disproportionately represented in indoor prostitution, in venues such as massage parlours, where they are advertised to clients as ‘exotic.’ Many women enter prostitution as children; many have histories of child sexual abuse. Most say they would leave prostitution if they could.

These are well‑established facts. Prostitution is evidence of, and entrenches, sex, race, and class hierarchies. In the face of this, it is wholly inaccurate to call prostitution sex between consenting adults or to explain women’s presence in prostitution as choice, when the choice of women to be in prostitution, or to leave it, is so heavily constrained.  Prostitution for poor, racialized women in Canada cannot be called liberty.

The Native Women’s Association of Canada (NWAC) has made a public call for help to stop the buying and pimping of Aboriginal women, and to stop the poverty and abuse that funnels them into prostitution. NWAC has said that its goal is to “end the prostitution of women and girls through legal and public policy measures that recognize the state’s obligations to 1) provide for basic needs and 2) protect women and girls from male violence.”

The Asian Women Coalition Ending Prostitution (AWCEP) makes the same call. We support NWAC and AWCEP and join our voices to theirs.It is apparent from the facts about women in prostitution that concerted and comprehensive social program intervention is required to prevent women and girls from entering prostitution and to assist them to leave it.  Well‑designed interventions by Canada’s governments, with long‑term commitments to address the social and economic disadvantage of women and girls, and particularly of Aboriginal and other racialized women and girls, will be needed, not just piecemeal short‑term exit services, drop‑in centers, or safe houses. Creating conditions that minimize the risk of women entering prostitution, and genuinely helping them to leave it, requires providing women and girls with adequate alternative sources of income, including social assistance sufficient to meet basic needs, adequate housing, access to all levels of education, decent work, child care, and counseling, addiction, and mental health services.

On this point too we find the Nordic model helpful, because it is clear that criminal law, by itself, is not a sufficient solution to the profound inequality that prostitution represents. Genuine programmatic and budgetary commitments by governments are also necessary to address the deeply rooted social and economic disadvantages of women and the history of sexism, racism, and colonialism that underlie prostitution.  

Why Canada Should Not Legalize Buying, Pimping and Profiting

Legalizing or decriminalizing prostitution has been tried in the Netherlands, Germany, the state of Nevada, some states in Australia, and New Zealand. Such an approach means that governments and societies accept that there is an underclass of women (defined by some combination of poverty, race and addiction) who can continue to be exploited in prostitution, even though prostitution is inherently an institution of sex inequality and violence. We do not agree that prostitution is acceptable for any women, or that the goal of equality between women and men can be abandoned for some women.

The Native Women’s Association of Canada (NWAC) flatly rejects the prospect of indoor prostitution in legalized brothels as an advance for Aboriginal women and girls. They point out that Aboriginal women and girls who are in street prostitution are unlikely to move indoors because poverty and racism keep them in the most dangerous forms of prostitution. Even if this were not the case, NWAC finds that, over time, Aboriginal women and girls have been shifted from institution to institution by settler governments—residential schools, group homes, prisons. The brothel appears to be the most recent institution that is considered better and safer for Aboriginal women. But this is not equality for Aboriginal women and girls. As AWCEP knows from the experience of its members, indoor prostitution is no answer; it merely puts hard walls around the inequality of poor and racialized women, and leaves it unchanged.

Further, legalization and decriminalization, as an approach, renders the men who are buyers, pimps, and prostitution entrepreneurs invisible; their activities become protected, legal, and normalized. 

We believe that this is a wrong approach: men must be held accountable when they subordinate and exploit women. Equality for women cannot be achieved in Canada if we are unwilling to engage with the cruel reality that men exploit women in prostitution. Even within the limited goal that legalization sets for itself – i.e., to reduce the harms that surround prostitution – the evidence does not show that it has succeeded.  The most recent comprehensive study of prostitution and trafficking in one hundred and fifty countries finds that countries that have legalized prostitution show an increased inflow of trafficked persons, and growth in the size of the prostitution industry.[3] Government reports from Germany, the Netherlands, and New Zealand say that street prostitution persists,[4] and that there is little improvement in the conditions of women in prostitution.[5] The violence inherent in prostitution is accepted by legalization, and the violence regularly associated with prostitution does not disappear.

In addition, what is legalized and normalized is not just individual prostitution transactions, but the prostitution industry. It not only becomes legal for individual men to purchase access to women’s bodies, but also legal to own and run a business that sells access to women’s bodies, or for employers in isolated work locations to provide men access to women for sex as an aspect of employment. For Canada to take this step would be both dangerous and discriminatory.

Where Should Canada Stand?

Canada has a history of commitment to women’s equality, to racial equality, and to vigorous social programs as a means of creating a more egalitarian society in which the basic needs of all Canadians are met. In addition the rights of Aboriginal peoples, and of Aboriginal women to live free from violence, are set out in the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, recently endorsed by Canada. Consistent with Canada’s long‑standing commitments to equality, we urge you now to support a Nordic‑model approach to new legislative, programmatic, and public education strategies to reduce and eliminate prostitution in Canada.

We do not accept prostitution as a solution to women’s poverty; we want something much better for Canada’s poor and racialized women and girls. We believe you do too, and we urge you to act on your commitments to women and to an egalitarian Canada.  

List of Signatories

    Hamai Abdiwahabu - Bénévole GAP, Chateauguay, QC, Canada
    Saadatou Abdoulkarim - Militante féministe, QC, Canada
    Esohe Aghatise - Executive Director, Associazione Iroko Onlus,

Coalition Against Trafficking in Women, Torino, Italy
    Ti-Grace Atkinson - Radical feminist, Cambridge, MA, United States
    Michele Audette – President, Native Women’s Association of Canada, Ottawa, ON, Canada
    Cenen M. Bagon - Vancouver Committee for Domestic Workers and Caregivers Rights, Vancouver, BC, Cana
    Jane Bailey - B.A.S., M.I.R., LL.B., LL.M. Associate Professor, University of Ottawa, Ottawa, ON, Canada
    Grace Balbutin - Asian Women Coalition Ending Prostitution, Canada
    Sheila Ballantyne - PhD candidate, Mining Engineering, University of British Columbia, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Kat Banyard - UK Feminista, United Kingdom
    Trisha Baptie - Formerly Exploited Voices Now Educating, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Kathleen Barry - Ph.D. Sociologist, Professor Emerita, Author of: Female Sexual Slavery and Prostitution of Sexuality: Global Exploitation of Women, United States
    Suzanne Baustad - Immigration and Refugee Law Paralegal, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Professor Louise Bélanger Hardy LL.B., LL.M. – University of Ottawa, Ottawa, ON, Canada
    Ijose Aghatise - Ospedale Amedeo di Savoia, Turin, Italy
    Roseline Iroghama Aghatise - Iroko Charity Organisation, Nigeria
    Isoken Aikpitanyi - Sex Trafficking Survivor and co founder of Associazione Ragazze di Benin City, Italy
    Dr. Ochuko Ajari - Boston, MA, United States
    Soerette Alexandre - Mémorante en linguistique, Militante féministe, Haïti
    Geneviève Allard - Scientfique en environnement, Rimouski, QC, Canada
    Jess Alley - TDEV Concordia University, Montreal QC, Canada
    Gwendoline Allison - Foy Allison Law Group, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Gisèle Ampleman - Membre du comité québécois de conscientisation, QC, Canada
    Rachel Ariey-Jouglard - Gatineau, QC, Canada
    Margaretha Aronson - Member of Fredrika Bremer Förbundet, Sweden
    Association Femmes pour le Dire, Femmes pour Agir, France
    Gertrud Åström - President, the Swedish Women's Lobby
    Kelsey Atkinson - Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Nancy Aubé - Intervenante, Rouyn-Noranda, PQ, Canada
    Professor Constance Backhouse - B.A., LL.B., LL.M., LL.D. (HonsLSUC), LL.D. (Hons U Man), Distinguished University Professor and University Research Chair at the University of Ottawa, Ottawa, ON, Canada
    Roxanne Badger - Bénévole GAP, Chateaugay, QC, Canada
    Iliana Balabanova-Stoicheva - Coordinator of Bulgarian Women's Lobby, Bulgaria
    Ilaria Baldini - Resistenza femminista, Italy
    Gabriela Delgado Ballesteros - Investigadora, Programa Universitario Derechos Humanos, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México
    Ixtlan Pax Ballesteros - Azusa, CA, United States
    Jose Krisanto Ballesteros - Manila, Philippines
    Pauline Ballesteros - Azusa, CA, United States
    Paula Barber - Toronto, ON, Canada
    Pauline Baril - Montréal, QC, Canada
    Sharon Barnes - Student, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Cassandra Barnaby - Reception, Native Women’s Association of Canada, Ottawa, ON, Canada
    Claudette Bastien - Présidente du Comité d’action contre la traite humaine interne et internationale, Infirmière semi-retraitée, Montréal, QC, Canada
    Brigitte Martel Baussant - Secrétaire générale de la Coordination française pour le lobby européen des femmes
    Rosalyn Baxandall - Distinguished Teaching Professor Emeritus, SUNY, Old Westbury (now CUNY Labor School), NY, United States
    Rose Beatty - Member of University Women’s Club, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Huguette Beauchamp, S.M. - Travailleuse sociale retraitée mais secrétaire au conseil général des srs. De miséricorde, QC, Canada
    Julie Béchard - Centre Passerelle, Timmins, ON, Canada
    Carole Bédard - QC, Canada
    Hélène Bédard - QC, Canada
    Louise Bégin - Montréal, QC, Canada
    Claire Bélanger - Saint-Nicolas, QC, Canada
    Josée Bélisle - Intervenante communautaire, Amos, QC, Canada
    Janine Benedet - LLB, LLM, SJD, Associate professor of Law, University of British Columbia, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Sophie Bennett - UK Feminista, United Kingdon
    Christine Bickson - Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Taina Bien Aime - Executive Director, Coalition Against the Trafficking in Women
    Geneva Biggers - Women’s peer support group member, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Rebecca Bishop - Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Cécile Bisson – QC, Canada
    Mary-Lee Bouma - Resist Exploitation, Embrace Dignity (REED), Vancouver, BC,
    Axelle Beniey - coordinatrice de projet, Guadeloupe
    Annette Benoit - Montréal, QC, Canada
    Josée Benoit - survivante et militante, Malartic, QC, Canada
    Sarah Benson - Chief Executive Officer, Ruhama: Frontline service to women affected by prostitution and sex trafficking, Ireland
    Summer-Rain Bentham - Squamish Nation, Front line anti-violence worker, Vancouver Rape Relief and Women’s Shelter, BC, Canada
    Kristen Berg - Equality Now, New York, NY, United States
    Samantha Berg - Journalist and organizer,, Portland, OR, United States
    Marina Bergadano - Law Offices, Marina Bergadano & Co., Turin, Italy
    Catie Bergeron – intervenante, CALACS, Charlevoix, QC, Canada
    Jocelyne Bernatchez - Directrice des ventes, Amos, QC, Canada
    Nicole Bernier - Animatrice provinciale, QC, Canada
    Helene Berry - RN, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Julie Bindel - Journalist, author and feminist campaigner, United Kingdom
    Lucie Bilodeau - Aide-jardinière, Ste-Christine, QC, Canada
    Francine Blais - Retraitée en Service social et à mi-temps, coordonnatrice des Ami-e-s de la Famille Internationale de la Miséricorde, Montréal, QC, Canada
    Nadine Blais - Enseignante au cégep de l'Outaouais, Travailleuse sociale de formation (niveau maitrise), Gatineau, QC, Canada
    Stassy Blais - Étudiante en technique de travail social, Amos, QC, Canada
    Annie Blouin - Intervenante sociale au CALACS, Granby, QC, Canada
    Linda Boisclair - Responsable du comité de la condition féminine du Conseil central du Montréal métropolitain-CSN, Longueuil, QC, Canada
    Pierrette Boissé - Responsable du dossier sur la traite humaine à la Congrégation de Notre-Dame, Montréal, QC, Canada
    Gabrielle Boissonneault - Intervenante, Rouyn-Noranda, PQ, Canada
    Annick Boissonneault - travailleuse sociale, Val d'Or, QC, Canada
    Sophie Bolduc - Stagiaire au CALCS de Chateauguay, Montréal, QC, Canada=
    Antonia Bonito - Turin Municipality Police Force, Turin, Italy
    Bernard Bosc - Réseau féministe “Ruptures”, QC, Canada
    Claudia Bouchard - travaille au quotidien avec des femmes qui ont été dans la prostitution, Montréal, QC, Canada
    Diane Bouchard - Retraitée, Charlevoix, QC, Canada
    France Boucher - Avocate et chargée de cours à l’UQAM, Montréal, QC, Canada
    Boucher, Mahara - ASETS Adminstrative Assistant, Native Women’s Association of Canada, Ottawa, ON, Canada
    Nadjet Bouda - Responsable administrative à la Concertation des luttes contre l’exploitation sexuelle, Étudiante à la maitrise en science politique à l’UQAM, Montréal, QC, Canada
    Claudie Bougon-Guibert - Conseil national des femmes françaises
    Carole Boulebsol - Sociologue Ma., Montréal, QC, Canada
    Ginette Bourdon - Infirmière retraitée, Brossard, QC, Canada
    Jeannine Bourget - Animatrice, Montréal, QC, Canada
    Nadine Bouteilly-Dupont - President, Libres Mariannes, LMS, Member of the European Women Lobby
    Lise Bouvet - Gender Studies Researcher, Switzerland
    Susan B. Boyd - F.R.S.C. Professor, Chair in Feminist Legal Studies Faculty of Law at Allard Hall, The University of British Columbia, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Christine Boyle - Professor Emeritus States, University of British Columbia, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Valérie Brancquart - Québec, QC, Canada
    Elizabeth Briemberg - Retired Supreme Court of BC Family Conciliator, Burnaby, BC, Canada
    Pascale Brosseau - Intervenante, Lévis, QC, Canada
    Twiss Butler - Member Abolish Prostitution Now Coalition Against Trafficking in Women (CATW International), National Organization for Women, United States
    Serena Caldarone - Resistenza Femminista, Italy
    Annie Campbell - Director, Women’s Aid Federation, Northern Ireland
    Chiara Carpita - Resistenza femminista, Italy
    Francesca Carpita - Italy
    Melina Caudo - Executive Director, Associazione Progettarsì, Turin, Italy
    Martha Centola - Vice President, Associazione Iroko Onlus, Turin, Italy
    Karen Cody - President of the Board of Directors for The Organization for Prostitution Survivors, Seattle, WA, United States
    Mylène Collin - Intervenante, Québec, QC, Canada
    Jennifer Conkie - Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Lynda Coplin - retired teacher, Surrey, BC, Canada
    Kelly Coulter - Drug Policy Advocate, Ottawa, ON, Canada
    Larissa Crack - Northern Women's Connection, Canada
    Mary DeFusco - Esq. Director of Training and Recruitment, Defender Association of Philadelphia, United States
    Anastasia DeRosa - Front line crisis worker, Vancouver Rape Relief & Women’s Shelter, BC, Canada
    Francine Descarries - Ph.D, Professeure et Directrice scientifique du Réseau québécois en études féministes (RéQEF) UQAM, Montreal, QC, Canada
    Tamar Dina - Music Liberatory, Halifax, NS, Canada
    Dr. Gail Dines - Professor of Sociology, Wheelock College, Boston, MA, United States
    Caryn Duncan - MA, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Catherine Dunne - Act to Prevent Trafficking, Ireland
    Anna Edman - Sweden
    Teresa Edwards - B.A., JD. Director, International Affairs and Human Rights, In-House Legal Counsel, Native Women’s Association of Canada, Ottawa, ON, Canada
    Gunilla S. Ekberg  - Former special advisor on prostitution and human trafficking to the Swedish government, human rights lawyer, Canada and Sweden
    Fiona Elvines - Operations Coordinator, Rape & Sexual Support Centre Croydon, UK
    Jimena Eyzaguirre -  M.Sc., M.R.M. Senior Climate Change Specialist, ESSA Technologies Ltd. Ottawa Chapter Co-chair, Canada-Mathare Education Trust
    Melissa Farley - Ph.D., Prostitution Research & Education, San Francisco, CA, United States
    Colleen Fuller - Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Professor Karen Boyle - Chair in Feminist Media Studies, University of Stirling, UK
    Easton Branam - Seattle, WA, United States
    Chantal Brassard - Intervenante sociale au CALACS, Granby, QC, Canada
    Marie-Claude Brault - QC, Canada
    Annick Brazeau - Travailleuse sociale, Baccalauréat en travail social, Diplôme d’études collégiales en techniques policières, Certificat universitaire en développement international, Étudiante à la maîtrise en travail social
    Hélène Brazeau - Professeure au cégep de l'Outaouais, Maîtrise en psychoéducation de l'UQO, Cantley, QC, Canada
    Cathy Brennan - Gender Identity Watch, United States
    Janie Breton - Féministe, QC, Canada
    Judith Bridge - Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Dr. Gwen Brodsky - LLB, LLm, PhD, Distinguished Visiting Scholar, Faculty of Law, University of British Columbia, BC, Canada
    Cleta Brown - LLB, LLM, member of University Women’s Club, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Kimberly Brown - Equality Now, Nairobi, Kenya
    Nancy Brown - SC, OBC, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Alma Bulawan - President, BUKLOD Survivors' Group, Olongapo, Philippines
    Autumn Burris - Survivors for Solutions, United States
    Dr. Shauna Butterwick - Department of Educational Studies, Faculty of Education, University of British Columbia, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Elizabeth Cahill - St John’s, NL, Canada
    Laure Caille - General Secretary, Libres Mariannes, LMS, Member of the European Women Lobby
    Tulsi Callichum - Bénévole GAP, Chateauguay, QC, Canada
    Callie Fleeger – Student, Talent, OR, United States
    Associate Professor Angela Cameron BA, LLB, LLM, PhD – University of Ottawa, Ottawa, ON, Canada
    Laura Capuzzo - Gruppo Femminile Plurale, Italy
    Marie-Josée Carbonneau - Agente de sécurité, Amos, QC, Canada
    Elda Carly - Équipes d'Action Contre le Proxénétisme, Paris, France
    Chantale Caron - Agricultrice, St-Roch-de-Richelieu, QC, Canada
    Carole Cayer – Intervenante, CALACS de Chateauguay, Mercier, QC, Canada
    Ida Centola - Avigliana, Italy
    Pat Cervelli - Licensed Clinical Social Worker, Tuolumne, CA, United States
    Gaétane Chabot - Saint-Laurent-de-l’île-d'Orléans, QC, Canada
    Maude Chalvin - Chargée de projet intersectionnalité et agente de communication RQCALACS, Montréal, PQ, Canada
    Yuly Chan - Asian Women Coalition Ending Prostitution, Canada
    Jaclyn Chang - MA, Asian Women Coalition Ending Prostitution, Canada
    Elaine Charkowski – United States
    Emmanuelle Charlebois - Action ontarienne contre la violence faite aux femmes Ottawa, ON, Canada
    Alexandra Charles - Ordförande, Stockholm, Sweden
    Vanessa Chase - Board Member, Women Against Violence Against Women Rape Crisis Centre, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Christiana Cheng - PhD, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Gaétane Chénier - Intervenante communautaire, Amos, QC, Canada
    Missy Chirprin - Radio Host/Producer, United States.
    Youngsook Cho - Korean Women's Association United, South Korea
    Jomini Chu - Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Kim Chu - University of Calgary Nursing, Vancouver, BC, Canada,
    Mélanie Clément - Action ontarienne contre la violence faite aux femmes Ottawa, ON, Canada
    Christina Clément - femme, Val d'Or, QC, Canada
    Conseil national des femmes françaises
    Coordination française pour le lobby européen des femmes
    Jeannine Cornellier - SNJM, Association des religieuses pour les Droits des femmes, Montréal, QC, Canada
    Luce Côté - Montréal, QC, Canada
    Madeleine Côté - Montréal, QC, Canada
    Véronique Couillard – Intervenante, CALACS Charlevoix, Charlevoix, PQ, Canada
    Dr. Maddy Coy - Reader in Sexual Exploitation and Gender Equality, London Metropolitan University, UK
    Annie Crepin - France
    Maisie Faith J. Dagapioso - Woman Health Philippines, Zamboanga City
    Madeleine Dagenais - Action ontarienne contre la violence faite aux femmes Ottawa, ON, Canada
    Octavia Dahl - United States
    Florence Daigneault - Montréal, QC, Canada
    Lucie Daigneault - Comptable à l'administration locale de la Maison mère des Soeurs de Miséricorde, Laval, QC, Canada
    Mathilde Darton - Intervenante, Rouyn-Noranda, QC, Canada
    Mélissa Dauphin - Artiste engagée, Montréal, QC, Canada
    Jo-Anne David - Centre Colibri, Barrie, ON, Canada
    Stephanie Davies-Arai – United Kingdom.
    Shelagh Day - CM, Director, Poverty and Human Rights Centre, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Docteure Michèle Dayras - présidente de SOS sexisme, France
    Aurora Javate De Dios - Executive Director, Women and Gender Institute, Miriam College, Philippines
    Blathnaid de Faoite - Daughter of a survivor of prostitution, Ireland
    Mia de Faoite - Survivor of Prostitution & Philosophy student at The National University of Ireland, Ireland
    Yolande de La Bruère - Montréal, QC, Canada
    Veronica DeLorme - BA, MA, Retired, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Yvette Delorme - Montréal, QC, Canada
    Theresa Delory – QC, Canada
    Christiane Delteil - Présidente d'honneur du CIDFF 34, Membre du CT de l'Amicale du Nid "La babotte", Montpellier, France
    Line Demers - Adjointe administrative, Diplôme de commis-comptable, Maison d’hébergement pour elles des Deux Vallées, QC, Canada
    Kim Deniger - Policière, DEC en Techniques Policières, Gatineau, QC, Canada
    Amelia Denny-Keys - Student, Langley, BC, Canada
    Linda Denny - MSW, RSW, Langley, BC, Canada
    Annie Denoncourt - Criminologue, Intervenante jeunesse, Ste-Brigitte-des-Saults, QC, Canada
    Claire Desaint - Vice-President, Réussir l'égalité femmes-hommes, France=
    Lise Desrochers - Éducatrice retraitée, Ville de Québec, QC, Canada
    Carmen Dion - Intervenante, Rouyn-Noranda, QC, Canada
    Françoise Dion - Donnacona, QC, Canada
    Christine Dionne - Employée du gouvernement du Canada - école de la fonction du Canada, Spécialiste en apprentissage et en développement, Baccalauréat en éducacion de l'anglais langue seconde de l'UQAM, Diplôme d'éducation aux adultes du Collège de Vancouver, Diplôme de business administration du Collège de Kingston, ON, Canada
    Dr. Peggy Dobbins - Port Lavaca, TX, United States
    Winifred Doherty - Good Shepherd Sister and NGO representative to the United Nations
    Isabelle Dostie, intervenante CALACS, Val d'Or, QC, Canada
    Francine Doucette - Secrétaire et aussi amie dans la famille internationale de la miséricorde, St-Eustache, QC, Canada
    Siméon Doucette - Retraité de la compagnie Bell canada et ami dans la fam. Int. De la miséricorde, St-Eustache, QC, Canada
    Jennifer Drew - Consultant to Scottish Women Against Pornography, United Kingdom
    Marie Drouin - Militante et survivante de la prostitution, Montréal, QC, Canada
    Laurie Drummond - Member of University Women’s Club, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Kim Dubé - Action ontarienne contre la violence faite aux femmes Ottawa, ON, Canada
    Geneviève Duché - présidente de l’Amicale du Nid, France
    Micheline Dufour - Retraitée, Charlevoix, PQ, Canada
    Rose Dufour - Anthropologue, Directrice générale et fondatrice de la Maison De Marthe, QC, Canada
    Caroline Dufresne - intervenante CALACS, Val d'Or, QC, Canada
    Nathalie Duhamel - Coordonnatrice RQCALACS, Montréal, PQ, Canada
    Monique Dumais - O.S.U., Coordonnatrice pour l'association des religieuses pour les
    Droits des femmes, ARDF
    Claudette Dumont-Smith - Executive Director, Native Women’s Association of Canada, Ottawa, ON, Canada
    Lyne Duplain - Intervenante CALACS Charlevoix, Charlevoix, PQ, Canada
    Arianne Duplessis - Montréal, QC, Canada
    Genevieve Dupuis - Travailleuse sociale CALACS de l’Outaouais, BAC en travail social, Aylmer, QC, Canada
    Ilaria Durigon - Gruppo Femminile Plurale, Italy
    Lotte Kristine Dysted - Praktikant hos Danners videncenter, NGO Danner, Denmark=
    Eaves For Women, United Kingdom
    Dele Edokpayi - Esq., Dele Edokpayi and Co Law Chambers, Benin City, Nigeria
    F. Elodie Ekobena - Agente de pastorale sociale Villeray, Montréal, QC, Canada
    Vera Chigbufue Elue - Legal Counsel, Chicago Municipality Law Office, Chicago, United States
    Jean Enriquez - Executive Director, Coalition Against Trafficking in Women Asia Pacific
    Priscilla Eppinger - Associate Professor of Religion, Chairperson of the Peace Studies Committee at Graceland University, United States
    Carla Francesca Erie - Linguiste, Membre d'organisation féministe, Haïti
    Professor Maria Eriksson - Professor of Social Work, School for Health, Care, and Social Welfare, Mälardalen University, Sweden
    Dr. Elizabeth Evans - Lecturer in Politics, University of Bristol, UK
    Natasha Falle - SEXTRADE101, ON, Canada
    Danielle Fay - BAA, Thérapeute en santé globale et naturelle, St-Alfred, QC, Canada
    Madeleine Ferland - Criminologue, Cowansville, QC, Canada
    Elizabetta Ferrero - Turin, Italy
    Suzanna Finley - Equality Now, New York, NY, United States
    Mia Finn - Mother, Langley, BC, Canada
    Jean Fong – Frontline anti-violence worker, Vancouver Rape Relief & Women’s Shelter, BC, Canada
    Janick Fontaine - Intervenante sensibilisation, Technicienne en travail social, Thurso, QC, Canada
    Suzanne Fortier - militante, Val d'Or, QC, Canada
    Mireille Fortin - Montréal, QC, Canada
    Nicole Fortin - Retraitée, Charlevoix, PQ, Canada
    Valérie Fortin - infirmière clinicienne, Brossard, QC, Canada
    Nicole Fouché - Présidente de Réussir l'égalité femmes-hommes, Cherchs associée, CNRS, Céna-mascipo-EHESS, Paris, France
    Isabelle Fournier – Intervenante, CALACS de Rimouski, Rimouski, QC, Canada
    Monique Fournier - Saint-Augustin-de-Desmaures, QC, Canada
    Lindsey Fox – Victoria, BC, Canada
    Kirsty Foy - Foy Allison Law Group, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Maggie Fredette - Coordonnatrice intervention CALACS, Sherbrooke, PQ, Canada
    Frappier, Julie - travailleuse CALACS, Val d'Or, QC, Canada
    Lina Fucà - Turin, Italy
    Carolyne Gagné - Professeur, Granby, QC, Canada
    Émilie Gagnon - Infographe, Valleyfield, QC, Canada
    Gabrielle Gagnon - Ottawa, ON, Canada
    Jocelyne Gagnon - Retraitée, Charlevoix, PQ, Canada
    Marielle Gagnon - Montréal, QC, Canada
    Mariette Gagnon - Montréal, QC, Canada
    Michèle Garceau - Citoyenne, Lachine, QC, Canada
    Joane Garon - Intervenante CALACS de Rimouski, Rimouski, QC, Canada
    Elizabeth Gautchi - Med, member of University Women’s Club, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Chantal Gauthier - Auxilière aux familles à domicile, Montréal, QC, Canada
    Noga Gayle - PhD, member of University Women’s Club, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Angela Gbemisola – United Kingdom
    Yolande Geadah - Author, Montreal, QC, Canada
    Associate Professor Daphne Gilbert BA, LLB, LLM – University of Ottawa, Ottawa, ON, Canada
    Rosanna Giorgietti - Italy
    Catriona Gold - Executive Member CUPE 2278, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Leah Gruenpeter Gold - PhD Philosophy Dept. Tel Aviv University, Israel
    Tamara Gorin - Port Moody, BC, Canada
    Samantha Grey - Front line anti-violence worker, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Associate Professor Vanessa Gruben B.Sc.H, LLB, LLM – University of Ottawa, Ottawa, ON, Canada
    Jacqueline Gullion - MA, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Irit Hakim - Safe World for Women, United Kingdom, Correspondent in Israel
    Carol Hanisch - Editor,, Ellenville, NY, United States
    Hanne Helth - Board Member, Danish Women's Society, Copenhagen, Denmark
    Terrie Hendrickson - Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Mary Honeyball - Member of the European Parliament, United Kingdom
    Donna M. Hughes - B.S., M.S., Ph.D. Professor & Carlson Endowed Chair, Gender & Women's Studies Program, University of Rhode Island, United States
    Ghada Jabbour - KAFA (enough) Violence & Exploitation, Lebanon
    Professor Martha Jackman - LL.B., LL.M., L.S.M. Faculty of Law, University of Ottawa, ON, Canada
    Lone Alice Johansen - Head of Information, The Secretariat of the Shelter Movement, Oslo, Norway
    Hedwig Johl - NGO in special consultative status with ECOSOC, Congregation of Our Lady of Charity of the Good Shepherd
    Guðrún Jónsdóttir - talskona Stígamóta, Stígamótum, Reykjavík, Iceland
    Helen Kelsey - Status of Women Committee, Surrey Teachers Association, Surrey, BC, Canada
    Hilla Kerner - Front line anti-violence worker, Vancouver Rape Relief and Women’s Shelter, BC, Canada
    Jennifer Kim - BA Philosophy, Vancouver, BC, CanadA
    Daisy Kler - Front line anti-violence worker, Vancouver Rape Relief and Women's Shelter, BC, Canada
    Patsy Kolesar - Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Katherine B. Lawrence - J.D. Member, Board of Directors, Women Against Violence Against Women Rape Crisis Centre, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Jessica Lee - Front-line Crisis Worker, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Dorchen A. Leidholdt - Director, Center for Battered Women's Legal Services, Sanctuary for Families, New York
    Marissa Lorenz - Colorado, United States
    Laura L. Lovett - Associate Professor, Department of History, University of Massachusetts, Amherst, MA, United States
    Brenda Lucke - RN, BSN, BA, GNC(C), Langley, BC, Canada
    Ilaria Maccaroni - Resistenza femminista, Italy
    Ainsley MacGregor - Front-line anti-violence worker, Vancouver Rape Relief and Women's Shelter, BC, Canada
    Grace Malkihara - Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Malka Marcovich - Historian and feminist writer, International consultant, Paris, France
    Ane Mathieson - Fulbright Fellow & Staff with the Organization for Prostitution Survivors, Seattle, Unites States
    Philippe Mayer - Géomaticien, Montréal, PQ, Canada
    Paola Mazzei - Resistenza femminista, Italy
    Geraldine McCarthy - Act to Prevent Trafficking, Ireland
    Annie McCombs – Kalamazoo, MI, United States
    Maureen McGowan – New York, NY, United States
    Sheila McIntyre - Retired Professor of Law, University of Ottawa; specializing in Constitutional and Human Rights Law, Ottawa, ON, Canada
    Nancy J. Meyer - Hyattsville, MD, United States
    Ashley Milbury – MA, Front line anti-violence worker, Vancouver Rape Relief and Women’s Shelter, BC, Canada
    Michelle Miller - DMin, Resist Exploitation, Embrace Dignity, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Kathy Miriam - PhD, Brooklyn, NY, United States
    Adrienne Montani - Child Rights Advocate, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Michele Morek - PhD. UNANIMA International Inc. an ECOSOC-accredited NGO of the United Nations
    Dr. Helen Mott - Bristol Fawcett, United Kingdom
    Meghan Murphy - Journalist, Canada
    Ana Maria R. Nemenzo - National Coordinator, Woman Health Philippines
    Clare Nolan - Srs of the Good Shepherd, New York, NY, United States
    Celia Nord - Archaeologist, Lee Creek, BC, Canada
    Aibhlín O’Leary - Anti-Trafficking Project Coordinator Immigrant Council of Ireland, Dublin, Ireland
    Catherine Olivier - Enseignante au collegial, Montréal, PQ, Canada
    Sonia Ossorio - President, National Organization for Women, New York, NY, United States
    Marie-Noël Paradis - Intervenante, Québec, PQ, Canada
    María Paredes - Student, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    So Eyun Park - BMLSc., Burnaby, BC, Canada
    Maggie Parks - Chief Executive, Women’s Rape and Sexual Abuse Centre, Cornwall, UK
    Niovi Patsicakis - B.Ed, M.Ed., Special Education Consultant, SENG-trained facilitator, Canada
    Dr. Jenny Petrak – MSc, PsychD
    Heidi Petrak - Msc. Nursing Professor, BC, Canada
    Kathleen Piovesan – Ph.D. Candidate, University of Oregon, Eugene, OR, United States
    Dianne Post - Attorney, Phoenix Women Take Back the Night, Phoenix, Arizona, United States
    Brittney Powell - Feminist, BA, Nelson, BC, Canada
    Dr. Helen Pringle - School of Social Sciences UNSW, Sydney, Australia
    Chanelle Ram - Feminist nursing student, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Janice G. Raymond - Professor Emerita of Women's Studies and Medical Ethics, University of Massachusetts, Amherst, MA, United States
    Yasmin Rehman - Women's rights campaigner, member of the End Violence Against Women Coalition Board, UK
    Sanda Rodgers - Emeritus Professor, University of Ottawa, ON, Canada
    Nina Rose, MD - Vice President, Swedish Medical Women's Association, Sweden
    Isabelle Rouillard - Intervenante, QC, Canada
    Marion Runcie - Vancouver BC, Canada
    Louisa Russell - Front-line anti-violence worker, Vancouver Rape Relief and Women's Shelter, BC, Canada
    Persia Rutchinski - Sydney, Australia
    Susanne Rutchinski - BA, graphic designer, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Valentina S., - Resistenza femminista, Italy
    Peggy Sakow - Founding Co-Chair and Member, Temple Committee Against Human
    Trafficking, Temple Emanu-El-Beth Sholom, Montreal, QC, Canada
    Julieta Montaño Salvatierra - Abogada, Directora de la Oficina Jurídica Para la Mujer
    Yolanda Sanchez-Contreras - Communications Coordinator GSIJP Office Congregation of Our Lady of Charity of the Good Shepherd (An NGO in special consultative status with ECOSOC, UN)
    Aida F. Santos-Maranan - President & Executive Director, Board of Trustees Consultant on Gender, Development, Human Rights, Philippines
    Emma Scott - Director, Rights of Women, London, UK
    Amy Sebes - Founder, Association of Albanian Girls and Women (AAGW), Albania
    Brittney Sharma - Activist, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Idit Harel Shemesh - Machon Toda'a Awareness Center, Israel
    Sr. Terry Shields - MSHR President, Dawn's Place, Philadelphia, United States
    Associate Professor Penelope Simons – BA, LLB, LLM, PhD, Honours: Human Security Fellow 2002-2004 Faculty of Law, University of Toronto, ON, Canada
    Ann Simonton - Media Watch, United States
    Stephanie-Grace Skrobisz - Santa Cruz, CA, United States
    Cherry Smiley - Nlaka’pamux/Thompson and Dine’/Navajo Nations, co-founder of Indigenous Women Against the Sex Industry, BC, Canada
    Keira Smith-Tague - Front line anti-violence worker, Vancouver Rape Relief and Women’s Shelter, BC, Canada
    Linnea W. Smith - MD, North Carolina, United States
    Silvia Elida Ortiz Solis - Representante del Grupo Civil VI.D.A, Torreon, Mexico
    Lisa Sparrow - Skowkale First Nation, Front-line anti-violence worker Chilliwack, BC, Canada
    Emily Spence - BA, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Ivana Stazio – Italy
    Lisa Steacy - BA, front-line anti-violence worker, Vancouver Rape Relief and Women's Shelter, BC, Canada
    Terrie Strange - Organizing for Women’s Liberation, Yuma, AZ, United States
    Katie Streibel - Transition House Worker, Vancouver Rape Relief and Women's Shelter, BC, Canada
    Annie Sugier - President, Ligue du Droit International des Femmes, Paris, France
    Eun Soon Suh - Burnaby, BC, Canada
    Eva-Britt Svensson - former Member of the European Parliament, Sweden
    Monina Geaga - Secretary-General, SARILAYA, Philippines
    Jenny Geng - Burnaby, BC, Canada
    Mylène Geoffroy - Intervenante communautaire, Saint-Jean-de-Matha, QC, Canada
    Carol Giardina - Asst Professor, History Dept. Queens College, NY, United States
    Lucia Giffi - Turin, Italy
    Lise Giguère   - QC, Canada
    Marcella Gilardoni - Gilardoni Law Offices, Turin, Italy
    Dr. Aisha K. Gill - Reader in Criminology, University of Roehampton, UK
    Marie-Chanel Gillier – New Delhi, India
    Jay Ginn - Older Feminists Network, United Kingdom
    France Giroux - Coiffeuse, Granby, QC, Canada
    Phyllis Giroux - S.C., M.A.(J), Kelowna, BC, Canada
    Irene  Goodwin - Director, Evidence to Action, Native Women’s Association of Canada, Ottawa, ON, Canada
    Sonya Grenier - intervenante CALACS, Val d'Or, QC, Canada
    Leanore Gough - Front line anti-violence worker, Vancouver Rape Relief and Women’s Shelter, BC, Canada
    Francine Gravel - Réceptioniste à l'Infirmerie de la Maison mère des Soeurs de Miséricorde, Terrebonne, QC, Canada
    Arlana Green - Victim Services Support worker, Women Against Violence Against Women Rape Crisis Centre, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Élaine Grisé - Montréal, QC, Canada
    Catherine Guay-Quirion - Étudiante universitaire à temps plein, Amos, QC, Canada
    Julie Guibord – Intervenante, CALACS de Chateauguay, Valleyfield, QC, Canada
    Joana Guillaume - Professeure de philosophie, Études juridiques, Membre d'organisation féministe, Haïti
    Susanna Gulin - Finland
    Bernadette Gullion - Educator, BC, Canada
    Czarina M. Gutierrez - B.A., BC, Canada
    Francine Hamel - Retraitée, Diplômes de Maîtrise en littérature et Maîtrise en éducation (counselling de carrière), QC, Canada
    Nicole Hamel – coordonnatrice, CALACS, Lac-à-la-Tortue, PQ, Canada
    Joyce Harris - Chair Sisters of St. Ann B. C. Social Justice Committee, BC, Canada
    Jayme Hass - Junior Policy Analyst / Researcher, Native Women’s Association of Canada, Arnprior, ON
    Karah Hawkins - Victim Advocate CEASE, Edmonton, AB, Canada
    Katherine Hébert-Metthé - Consultante sur l'hypersexualisation, Montréal, QC, Canada
    Orla Hegarty – NL, Canada
    Cathryn Henley - President, Canadian Federation of University Women Cranbrook Club, Cranbrook, BC, Canada
    Céline Héon - Montréal, QC, Canada
    Loralie Hettler – Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Christine Honor - Australia
    Myriam Houde - Criminologue au Service de police de la Ville de Gatineau, Gatineau, QC, Canada
    Bernett Huang - Archival Studies, Fu Ren University, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Jade Hudon - QC, Canada
    Charlotta Huldt-Ramberg - Member of the board or the UN Women National Committee, Sweden
    Jacqui Hunt - Equality Now, London, United Kingdom
    Patricia Hynes - Retired Professor of Environmental Health, Boston University and Director, Traprock Center for Peace and Justice, Greenfield, MA, United States
    Valentina Iamotti - Resistenza femminista, Italy
    Chantal Ismé - Organisatrice communautaire à la Concertation des luttes contre l’exploitation sexuelle, Montréal, QC, Canada
    Cynthia Jacques - Intervenante, Rouyn-Noranda, PQ, Canada
    Suzanne Jay - MA, Asian Women Coalition Ending Prostitution, Canada
    Patricia Jean - Linguiste, Féministe, Haïti
    Rhéa Jean - Ph. D in Philosophy (Laval University), Postdoctoral fellow at the
    University of Luxembourg
    Kimberly Jerome - Bookkeeper, Native Women’s Association of Canada, Ottawa, ON, Canada
    Sonya Johal - BSc, Surrey, BC, Canada
    Natasha Johnson - Graphic Designer, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Valerie Judge - MBA, Management Consultant, Ireland
    Justice for Girls, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Ludmila Karabaciska  - Étudiante à l’Université Concordia, Applied human science, Montréal, QC, Canada
    Annpôl Kassis - Paris, France
    Soka Handinah Katjasungkana - LBH-Apik, Semarang, Indonesia
    Ranjit Kaur - Ex Magistrate, ex-Director of Rights of Women UK, Lawyer, United Kingdom
    Roisin Kelly - Ireland
    Marilyn Kempf - Équipes d'Action Contre le Proxénétisme, Paris, France
    K. Kilbride - Surrey, BC, Canada
    Morgan King - Australia
    Ann Kirkey – Toronto, ON, Canada
    Antonia Kirkland - Equality Now, New York, United States
    Dr. Renate Klien - Spinifex Press, Australia
    Donée-Maude Kobin - Intervenante, Rouyn-Noranda, PQ, Canada
    Donna Christie Kolkey - member of University Women’s Club, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Monica Krake - Communications Director, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Izabela Krekora - Manager of fund development, Women Against Violence Against Women Rape Crisis Centre, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Cathrine Linn Kristiansen – Norway
    Leanne Kwan - PharmD, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Renée Labrie - St-Jean-de-l’île-d'Orléans, QC, Canada
    Sophie Labrie - Intervenante sociale au CALACS, Bromont, QC, Canada
    Maryse Lafleur - QC, Canada
    Isabelle Lafontaine - Étudiante au doctorat en travail social à l’Université de Montréal, Auxiliaire de recherche, Intervenante à l’association des familles monoparentales et recomposées de l’Outaouais, Professeure à la cité collégiale aux programmes de techniques de travail social et d’éducation spécialisée, Gatineau, QC, Canada
    Judy Lafontaine, intervenante, CALACS, Val d'Or, QC, Canada
    Allison Laing - BA, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Jennifer E. Laing - RN, BScN, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Monique, S.M. Lallier - Supérieure générale de l'Institut des Soeurs de miséricorde de Montréal, Montréal, QC, Canada
    Lee Lakeman - Women’s rights advocate, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Ève Lamont - Réalisatrice, Montréal, QC, Canada
    Nancy Langlois - Action ontarienne contre la violence faite aux femmes Ottawa, ON, Canada
    Catherine Lapointe - Canada
    Ghislaine Laporte - S.N.J.M., QC, Canada
    Marai Larasi - MBE, M.A. Executive Director, Imkaan, UK
    Marilyn Larocque - R.H.S.J.  Kingston, ON, Canada
    Myriam Larocque - Intervenante, Étudiante, Montréal, QC, Canada
    Trine Porret Randahl Larsen - President, Women’s Council in Denmark (Kvinderådet)
    Gemma Laser - Belfast, ME, United States
    Widlande Laurol - Linguiste, Membre d'organisation féministe, Haïti
    Claudia Lavigueur – Intervenante, CALACS de Chateauguay, Ste-Clotilde, QC, Canada
    Marie-Josée Lavoie - Secrétaire-administratrice RQCALACS, Montréal, PQ, Canada
    Annette Lawson - Chair, the National alliance of Women's Organizations, United Kingdom
    M. Paule Lebel - Membre de la coordination du Québec de la marche mondiale des femmes, QC, Canada
    Aurélie Lebrun, PhD - QC, Canada
    Marie-Paule Lebrun - Montréal, QC, Canada
    Brigitte Lechenr - Woman, United Kingdom
    Patricia Leclair - Militante, Montréal, QC, Canada
    Marie Lecomte - Vice President, Libres Mariannes, LMS, Member of the European Women Lobby
    Alice Lee - Asian Women Coalition Ending Prostitution, Canada
    Young Sun Lee - Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Éliane Legault-Roy - Responsable des communications à la Concertation des luttes contre l’exploitation sexuelle, Maitrise en science politique, Montréal, QC, Canada
    Ronitin Lentin - University Professor, Ireland
    Barbara Leon - Watsonville, CA, United States
    Carla Lesh - Kingston, NY, United States
    Constance Létourneau - Membre du Comité de Montréal contre la traite des personnes, QC, Canada
    Guilaine Levesque - Coordonnatrice CALACS, Baie-Comeau, PQ, Canada
    Lévesque, Sandra - intervenante CALACS, Val d'Or, QC, Canada
    Jacqueline Lewis - Emergency Medical Technician & Front line crisis worker at Vancouver Rape Relief & Women’s Shelter, BC, Canada
    Maureen Lewis – Red Deer, AB, Canada
    Raïssa Leyan’Simbi - Action ontarienne contre la violence faite aux femmes Ottawa, ON, Canada
    Jytte Lindgaard - Lawyer, member of The Danish National Observatory on Violence Against Women
    Linklater, Sheila - Director of Finance, Native Women’s Association of Canada, Ottawa, ON, Canada
    Pak Ka Liu - Victim Services Medical Support Worker, Women Against Violence Against Women Rape Crisis Centre, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Josée Longchamps - Thérapeute, Tingwick, QC, Canada
    Letizia Longo - Accountant, Turin, Italy
    Lovely Jean Louis - Mémorante en lingUnited Statesitique et en études juridiques, Militante féministe, Haïti
    Emma Luke - Occupational Therapist, Australia
    Nathalie Lussier - Secrétaire-comptable, Granby, QC, Canada
    br/>     Linda MacDonald - Persons Against NST, Canada
    R. MacKenzie - Feminist campaigner, Scotland
    Alison Luke - Macquarie University, Sydney,  Australia
    Eliana Maestri - Feminist Group, Birmingham, UK
    Dr. Arianna Maffiotti - Turin Local Health Services, Moncalieri (TO), Italy
    Sarah M. Mah - BSc, Asian Women Coalition Ending Prostitution, Canada
    Sylvie Mantha - Chef Division recherche, développement et stratégie organisationnelle du Service de police de Gatineau, Gatineau, QC, Canada
    Maude Marcaurelle - Intervenante sociale, Grenville-sur-la-Rouge, QC, Canada
    Berthe Marcotte - Montréal, QC, Canada
    Louise Marcotte - Survivante, Montréal, QC, Canada
    Lorna Martin - Executive Assistant, Native Women’s Association of Canada, Ottawa, ON, Canada
    Angela Martinez - TTS, Coordonatrice des services d’interventions du Calacs francophone d’Ottawa, ON, Canada
    Virginia Martinez - Burnaby, BC, Canada
    Annalise Masear-Gough – Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Kristine Massey - Lecturer in Criminal Psychology, Canterbury Christchurch University, UK
    Maureen Master - Human Rights Lawyer, United States
    Jade Mathieu - Intervenante CALACS de Chateauguay, St-Hyacinthe, QC, Canada
    Andrea Matolcsi - Equality Now, London, UK
    Diane Matte - Activiste féministe, Concertation des luttes contre l’exploitation sexuelle, Montréal, QC, Canada
    Maria Grazia Mauti - Resistenza femminista, Italy
    Paula May - Experte en ressources humaines, Montréal, QC, Canada
    Dr. Melanie McCarry - Guild Senior Research Fellow, Connect Centre for International Research on Gender and Harm, University of Central Lancashire, UK
    Caitlin McKellar - Board Member, Women Against Violence Against Women Rape Crisis Centre, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Myriam Meilleur – Stagiaire, CALACS Chateauguay, QC, Canada
    Chiara Melloni - Gruppo Femminile Plurale, Italy
    Émilie Mercier-Roy - Survivante de la prostitution et co-fondatrice du Gîte L'Autre porte, Val-d'Or, QC, Canada
    Gunhild Mewes - Germany
    Jodie Millward - MCP, CCC, Aboriginal Family Counselor, Women Against Violence Against Women Rape Crisis Centre, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Suzy Mingus - Accountant, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Shiloh Minor - Teacher, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Phyllis Minsky - Teacher and Aboriginal Advocate, Queen Elizabeth Secondary School, Surrey, BC, Canada
    Rachel Moran - Founding Member of SPACE International (Survivors of Prostitution-Abuse Calling for Enlightenment), Ireland
    Magdala Moreau - Mémorante en linguistique, Militante féministe, Haïti
    Marthe Moreau - Montréal, QC, Canada
    Rachael Morgan – Student, Australia
    Émilie Morin-Rivest - Intervenante à la maison d'hébergement pour elles des deux vallées, Gatineau, QC, Canada
    Julie Charbonneau Morin - Éducatrice spécialisée, Montréal, QC, Canada
    Marcelle Morin – QC, Canada
    Nathalie Morin - Commis comptable, Amos, QC, Canada
    Libby Morrison - United Kingdom
    Françoise Morvan - Vice-présidente de la Coordination française pour le lobby européen des femmes
    Rebecca Mott - Survivor of indoor prostitution, United Kingdom
    Jeanne Françoise Mouè - La Maison, Toronto, ON, Canada
    Debs Munn - Refugee Settlement Worker, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Lily Munroe - Women’s rights advocate and abolitionist, Australia
    Jeannine Nadeau - Infirmière, Ville de Québec, QC, Canada
    Marie-Michelle Nault - Survivante, Montréal, QC, Canada
    Amy Nahwegahbow - Senior Policy Analyst/ Researcher, Native Women’s Association of Canada, Ottawa, ON
    Frederica Newell - Ireland
    Donna-Marie Newfield - Therapist, Canada
    Kendra Newman - Heiltsuk Nation, front line anti-violence worker, Burnaby, BC, Canada
    Liette Nobert - Montréal, QC, Canada
    Jane Norlund – Norway
    Dr. Caroline Norma - Lecturer in Global, Urban and Social Studies, RMIT University, Australia
    Ana Novakovic – Front-line anti-violence worker, Vancouver Rape Relief & Women’s Shelter, BC, Canada
    Zdenka Novakovic - Burnaby, BC, Canada
    Daniella Nunes-Taveira - Intervenante à la maison d'amitié - télécommunications à l'hôpital d'Ottawa, Technique de réadaptation et de justice pénale et présentement à l'université en criminologie, Ottawa, ON, Canada
    Dr. Monica O'Connor - Independent Researcher, Ireland
    Maura O’Donohue - Doctor, Ireland
    Katrin Öberg - Sweden
    Lis Ehmer Olesen - Board member of the Women’s Council and The Danish National Observatory on Violence Against Women, Denmark
    Maren Ollman - Turin, Italy
    Kajsa Olsson – Sweden
    Alina Olszewska - Turin, Italy
    Blessing Osatohanmwen - Turin, Italy
    Oti Anukpe Ovrawah - Director, Nigerian Human Rights Commission, Abuja, Nigeria
    Angel Love Owens – Perth, Australia
    Geneviève Pagé - Phd, Professeure de science politique à l’UQAM, Montréal, QC,   Canada
    Karina Painchaud - QC, Canada
    Celeste Pang - Freelance Bookkeeper, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Monique Paradis - Enseignante retraitée, QC, Canada
    Giulia Parm - Turin, Italy
    Carla Pastorino - Genova, Italy
    Kim Pate – Executive Director, Canadian Association of Elizabeth Fry Societies, Ottawa, ON, Canada
    Yolaine Paul - Responsable de bibliothèque, Études administratives et comptable, Membre d'organisation féministe, Haïti
    Sokie Paulin - Glendale, CA, United States
    Françoise Pellerin - Montréal, QC, Canada
    Gisèle Pellerin - Montréal, QC, Canada
    Céline Pelletier - Maison Interlude, Hawkesbury, ON, Canada
    Lise Perras - Montréal, QC, Canada
    Julie-Anne Perrault - Féministe, Montréal, QC, Canada
    Nathalie Perreault - Travailleuse culturelle et féministe (abolitionniste), Montréal, QC, Canada
    Bridget Perrier - SexTrade101, ON, Canada
    Marisa Perrone - Turin, Italy
    Gaëtane Pharand - Centre Victoria, Sudbury, ON, Canada
    Jacqueline Picard – QC, Canada
    Stéphanie Picard - Intervenante, Rouyn-Noranda, PQ, Canada
    Elizabeth A. Pickett - LL.M, ON, Canada
    Ellen Pilcher – Activist & Writer, United Kingdom
    Candice Pilgrim – Lawyer, Belleville, ON, Canada
    Maudy Piot - Présidente de l'Association Femmes Pour le Dire, Femmes pour Agir, France
    Marie-Christine Plante - Ph.D. candidate sociology, UQAM, Montreal, QC, Canada
    Anne Plourde - Doctorante en science politique UQAM, Saint-Jean-sur-Richelieu, PQ, Canada
    Monique Potin - Bibliothécaire et féministe, Val-d’Or, QC, Canada
    Claudette Poupart - Retraitée, Boucherville, PQ, Canada
    Jalysha Pratap – Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Colette Price - Midwife, Feminist, NY, United States
    Claudia Quendo - Turin, Italy
    Marielle Quenneville - Montréal, QC, Canada
    Suzanne Quinn - Réseau femmes sud-ouest, Sarnia, ON, Canada
    Claudia Ramirez - Bénévole GAP, Chateauguay, QC, Canada
    Sandra Ramos - Founder/Executive Director, Strengthen Our Sisters, Shelter and Advocacy for homeless/battered women and children, NJ, United States
    Natalie Ranspot - BA, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Jody Raphael - Visiting Professor of Law, Depaul University, United States
    Anne Rasmussen - LivaRehab, Denmark
    Christelle Raspolini - Présidente du comité Ni putes ni soumises de Guadeloupe, Le gosier, Guadeloupe
    Anyta Raymond - Reviseur, Cowansville, QC, Canada
    Anber Raz - Equality Now, London, UK
    Sarah Mélodie Razafintsehere - Bénévole GAP, Chateauguay, QC, Canada
    Jennifer Reed - Rain and Thunder Collective, MA, United States
    Stephanie Reifferscheid - BA, Women’s Advocate and counselor for more than 25 years, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Jennifer Remnant – United Kingdom
    Sandrine Ricci - Phd Student and Assistant professor (UQAM), Montréal, PQ, Canada
    Hélène Richard - Intervenante auprès des femmes, Montréal, QC, Canada
    Mylène Richer - Éducatrice en garderie, Beauharnois, QC, Canada
    Jenny Rickmann - Nurse, Germany
    Chantelle Rideout - MFA University of New Brunswick, Halifax, NS, Canada
    Nella Righetti - Turin, Italy
    Cossette Rivera - Equality Now, New York, United States
    Haile Rivera - New York, United States
    Chantal Robitaille - Intervenante CALACS Chateauguay, Beauharnois, QC, Canada
    Eleanor Roffman - Ed.D. Professor and Director of Field Training, Division of Counseling and Psychology, Graduate School of Arts and Social Sciences, Lesley University, MA, United States
    Caitlin Roper - WA State Coordinator, Collective Shout, Australia
    Carissa Ropponen - BA, Executive and Development Assistant, Women Against Violence Against Women Rape Crisis Centre, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Garine Roubinian - Rain and Thunder Collective, MA, United States
    Nayiree Roubinian - Rain and Thunder Collective, MA, United States
    Justine Rouse-Lamarre - Étudiante à la maîtrise en histoire à l'UQAM, Sherbrooke, QC, Canada
    Gerardine Rowley – Ruhama, Ireland
    Lorraine Roy - Militante et survivante de la prostitution, St-Jérôme, QC, Canada
    Michèle Roy - Organisatrice communautaire, Montréal, QC, Canada
    Sylvie Roy - Désigner, St-Pie, QC, Canada
    Rita Ruel - Enseignante retraitée, QC, Canada
    Assistant Professor Rakhi Ruparelia B.Sc., B.S.W., LL.B.  M.S.W., LL.M. – University of Ottawa, Ottawa, ON, Canada
    Dr. Emma Rush - Lecturer in Ethics and Philosophy, Charles Stuart University, Australia
    Roweena Russell – United Kingdom
    Marie-Claude Saindon - Intervenante CALACS de Rimouski, Rimouski, QC, Canada
    Anaïs Salamon - Bibliothécaire en chef bibliothèque d'études islamiques de l’Université McGill, Montréal, QC, Canada
    Roberta Salper - Resident Scholar, Women's Studies Research Center, Brandeis University Boston, MA, United States
    Myles Sanchez - President, Bagong Kamalayan Prostitution Survivors' Collective, Manila, Philippines
    Mélanie Sarroino - LL.M., Agente de liaison et de promotion RQCALACS (Regroupement québécois des centres d’aide et de lutte contre les agressions à caractère sexuel), Montréal, PQ, Canada
    Jeanne Sarson - Persons Against Non-State Torture, Canada
    Katharina Sass - Norway
    Kathryn Scarbrough - PhD, East Brunswick, NJ, United States
    Sarah Schwartz - United States
    Karen Segal - B.A, JD candidate 2014, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Solveig Senft - Abolitionist, Member of Terre des Femmes, Germany
    Jonnie Sharp – NC, United States
    Carole Shea - Militante, Rawdon, QC, Canada
    Professor Elizabeth Sheehy - LLB, LLM, LLD (Hons LSUC), 2014 Recipient of the CBA Ramon Hnatyshyn Award for Law
    Victoria Sherman - Italy
    Maire Ni Shuilleabhain - Support worker with women affected by prostitution and THB, Ireland
    Linda Shuto - Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Christiane Sibillotte - Comité justice sociale des soeurs auxiliatrices, Montréal, QC, Canada
    Rachèle Simard - Artiste, Montréal, QC, Canada
    Indrani Sinha - Executive Director, Sanlaap, India
    Georgette Sirois - Infirmière retraitée, Ville de Québec, QC, Canada
    Chris Sitka – Australia
    Shannon Slight – Tasmania, Australia
    Betty M. Smith - Camden, ME, United States
    Peggy R. Smith - Lincolnville, ME, United States
    Joan Smurthwaite - Catholic Women's League WA, Australia
    Mudahogora Solange - Maitrise en sociologie avec spécialisation en études des femmes de l'université d'Ottawa, Représentante de Femmes action en région métropolitaine de Halifax, NS, Canada
    Carole Anne Soong - University Women’s Club, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Terre Spencer - United States
    Anne-Marie Spera - Travaillese Sociale, Gatineau, QC, Canada
    Nadine Spuls - Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Michèle St-Amand - Sexologue et psychothérapeute, Laval, QC, Canada
    Johanne St-Amour - Féministe, QC, Canada
    Ginette St-Jean - Val Joli, QC, Canada
    Professor Joanne St. Lewis BA, LLB - University of Ottawa, Ottawa, ONCanada
    Cornelia Sternberg - Germany
    Holly Stevens – Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Hanne Storset - Analyzer, Social Sciences, Norway
    Johanna Strand - Teacher and feminist, Norway
    Emily Streibel - Raymond, AB, Canada
    Eva  Streibel - Raymond, AB, Canada
    Agnete Strøm - The Women’s Front of Norway, Bergen, Norway
    Leah Strudwick – Student, Toronto, ON, Canada
    Amanda Sullivan - Equality Now, New York, United States
    Doris Sullivan - Militante abolitionniste, Rawdon, QC, Canada
    Rose Sullivan - Militante et survivante de la prostitution, Rawdon, QC, Canada
    Elsie Suréna - Intervenante dans le domaine de la violence contre les femmes, Toronto, ON, Canada
    Jacqueline Sutton - BA, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Fumi Suzuki - Executive Director, Space Allies, Japan
    Hélène Sylvain - Conseillère pédagogique, St-Jérome, QC, Canada
    Geneviève Szczepanik - Ph.d., Montréal, QC, Canada
    Carolina Tafuri - Italy
    Mairead Tagg - Clinical Psychologist and specialist in gender based violence, Scotland
    Julie Talbot - Montréal, QC, Canada
    Elsie Tan - MSN, member of University Women’s Club, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Emilia Tedesco - Turin, Italy
    Karin Temerpley – Melbourne, Australia
    Danièle Tessier - Sociologue, Montréal, QC, Canada
    Randi Theil - Head of Secretariat, Women’s Council in Denmark (Kvinderådet)
    Maj Britt Theorin - F. member of European Parliament and chairwomen of the Committee of Women’s Right and Equality
    Carole Thériault - Intervenante sociale au CALACS, St-Alphonse, QC, Canada
    Mélanie Thétrault - Intervenante, Granby, QC, Canada
    Joan Thomas - RN, PhD, Memphis, Tennessee, United States
    Nia Thomas - Artist, London, United Kingdom
    Irene Tsepnopoulos-Elhaimer - Executive Director, Women Against Violence Against Women Rape Crisis Centre, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Gale Tyler - Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Nicolien Van Luijk - MA, PhD (c), University of British Columbia, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Toni Van Pelt - Public Policy Director, Institute for Science and Human Values, Inc. FL, United States
    Megan Watt - Leduc, AB, Canada
    Karin Werkman - Researcher, the Netherlands
    Chloe Westlake - BA, Dalhousie University, Halifax, NS, Canada
    Dr. Rebecca Whisnant - Director of Women's and Gender Studies, University of Dayton, United States
    Margareta Winberg - Former deputy prime minister and minister for gender equality, Sweden
    Crystal Wong – Asian Women Coalition Ending Prostitution, Canada
    Jodie Woodward - Head of Operations, Nia Ending Violence, UK
    Linda Thompson - Women's Support Project, Scotland
    Virginie Tiberghien - Action ontarienne contre la violence faite aux femmes Ottawa, ON, Canada
    Yvonne Tierney – ON, Canada
    Léa Trahan - Montréal, QC, Canada
    Alice Tremblay - Montréal, QC, Canada
    Karine Tremblay - Agente de liaison RQCALACS, Montréal, PQ, Canada
    Dr. Jill Trenholm - Lecturer/researcher, Women's and Children's Health, Uppsala University, Sweden
    Rita Trottier - Montréal, QC, Canada
    Ada Tsang - BSW, Asian Women Coalition Ending Prostitution, Canada
    Louise Turmel - Enseignante retraitée, Ville de Québec, QC, Canada
    Jane Turner - Teacher, Burnaby, BC, Canada
    Anna Ulatowshki - Germany
    Sara Ungar – ON, Canada
    Nordic Model Advocates, United Kingdom
    Adina Ungureanu - Ville Saint-Laurent, QC, Canada
    Helen Uwangue - Benin City, Nigeria
    France Vallières - Retraitée, Rive Sud, QC, Canada
    Sylvie Van Brabant - Cinéaste, Montréal, QC, Canada
    Claudette Vandal - Montréal, QC, Canada
    Helen Vasa - Registered Clinical Counsellor, Canada
    Roberta Veenstra - Engaged Citizen, Nanaimo, BC, Canada
    Marie Hélène Veillette - Conseillère en rééducation, Granby, QC, Canada
    Sue Veneer - United Kingdom
    Michèle Vianès - Présidente de regards de femmes, Lyon, France
    Marilou Vidal - Bénévole GAP, Mercier, QC, Canada
    Monique Vigneault - Retraitée, Amos, QC, Canada
    Jeanne Villeneuve - Directrice des institutions patrimoniales Blueland, Conseillère de quartier mairie du 7° arrondissement de Paris, Présidente de l’Association quartier Breteuil de Paris, France
    Ariane Vinet-Bonin - Étudiante à la maîtrise en service social à l’Université de Montréal, Montréal, QC, Canada
    Dr. Judith Walker - Faculty of Education, University of British Columbia, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Megan Walker - Executive Director, London Abused Women's Centre, London, ON, Canada
    Zuilmah Wallis - Ireland
    Dr. Renate Walther - Germany
    Pei-Ju Wang - Asian Women Coalition Ending Prostitution, Canada
    Claire Warmels - Étudiante en philosophie à Concordia University, Montréal, QC, Canada
    Simone Watso - Exited survivor, Australia
    Maureen Watt - Citoyenne, St-Lin-Laurentides, QC, Canada
    Morgan Westcott – Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Vicki Wharton - Antipornculture, United Kingdom
    Cindy Wilkinson – ON, Canada
    Jeri Williams - Survivor 2 Survivor, Portland, OR, United States
    Jacqueline Wilson - Businesswoman and Philanthropist, Board Chair, Women Against Violence Against Women Rape Crisis Centre, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Ursula Wojciechowski - Translator, Germany
    Elizabeth Wolber – Teacher at Fraser Heights Secondary School, Collective member with Vancouver Rape Relief and Women’s Shelter, BC, Canada
    Angela Wong - Edmonton, AB, Canada
    Maria Wong - Front line anti-violence worker Vancouver Rape Relief & Women’s Shelter, BC, Canada
    Corey Lee Wrenn – founder Vegan Feminist Network, United States
    Pauline Yargeau - Administratrice d’un centre d’aide et de lutte contre les agressions à caractère sexuel, Amos, QC, Canada
    Elisabeth Zadnick – QC, Canada
    Kerstin Zander - Re-Empowerment e.V., Deutschland
    Clorinde Zephir - Professeure de littérature française, Directrice d'organisation féministe, Haïti

Men in support of the letter

    Brian Africa – Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Dr. Ifode Ajari - Medical doctor, United States
    Iroro Ajari - Nigeria
    Obuks Ajari - Lagos, Nigeria
    Kevin Ault - High School Teacher, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Louis Bélisle - Consultant en développement organisationnel, Montréal, QC, Canada
    Alain Benoit - Travailleur du réseau de la santé, Montréal, QC, Canada
    Bert Bjarland - Vice President, Profeministmiehet, Finland
    Didier Bois - Enseignant, Paris, France
    Andrew Bomberry - Policy Analyst/ Researcher, Native Women’s Association of Canada, Ottawa, ON, Canada
    Paolo Botti - Executive Director, Associazione Amici di Lazzaro, Italy
    Dr. Christoph Brake – Germany
    Dr. Robert Brannon, Department of Psychology, Brooklyn College CUNY.
    National Chairperson, NOMAS Task Group on Pornography, Prostitution, and Sex-Trafficking
    Mordecai Briemberg - Member of, retired College Instructor, Burnaby, BC, Canada
    Stan Burditt - Founder, MAST-Men Against Sexual Trafficking, Canada
    Giorgio Carpita - Italy
    Denis Carrier - QC, Canada
    Philippe Fortier Charette - Travailleur, Sherbrooke, QC, Canada
    Mathieu Charland-Faucher - Organisateur communautaire, Granby, QC, Canada
    Gagan Chhabra - Student, Norway
    Alex Coles - BFA Ryerson University, Toronto, ON, Canada
    Guillaume Danis - Militant, Saint-Lin, QC, Canada
    James Darbouze - Enseignant-chercheur, Militant syndical, Port-au-Prince, Haïti
    Jhonson Desir - Linguiste, Membre d'organisation féministe, Haïti
    Timothy Dickau - DMin, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Martin Dufresne - Journalist, Le COUAC, Canada
    Paul Eid - Professeur au Département de sociologie de l’UQAM, Montréal, QC, Canada
    Pius Elue - Chicago, IL, United States
    Renel Exentus - Militant Assumer Ayiti, Montréal, QC, Canada
    Marco Fasoli - Turin, Italy
    Professor Gene Feder - Professor of Primary Health Care, School of Social and Community Medicine, University of Bristol, UK
    Professor Bruce Feldthusen - former Dean, BA Queen’s, JD Michigan, LLB Western and LLM Michigan
    Antonio Chiadò Fiorio Tin - Mayor, Massello Municipality, Province of Turin, Italy
    Joshua Flavell - Sydney, Australia
    Nicolas Flechier - Travailleur social, Membre d'organisation féministe, Haïti
    Matt Fodor – ON, Canada
    Daniele Gaglianone - Film Producer, Turin, Italy
    Adam Gagnon - Militant, Beauharnois, QC, Canada
    Martin Gallié - Professeur de droit à l’Université du Québec à Montréal, QC, Canada
    Gabriel Garcia - Comptable, Grenville-sur-la-Rouge, QC, Canada
    Claude Gendron - Retraité, Responsable des achats à la maison mère des Soeurs de miséricorde, Brossard, QC, Canada
    Ioan Gi-Kwong - Étudiant, Bromont, QC, Canada
    Massimo Gianasso - Turin Municipality Police Force, Turin, Italy
    Maurizio Gili - Accountant, Senior Partner, Maurizio Gili & Co, Turin, Italy
    Azlan Graves - LPN/Outreach nurse, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Chris Green - Director White Ribbon Campaign, UK
    Michael Horowitz - CEO, 21 Century Initiatives, Principal Author of the US Trafficking Victims
    Protection Act
    Benedict Hynes - PhD candidate, Simon Fraser University, BC, Canada
    Biko Ismé-René - Étudiant, Artiste, Travailleur, Montréal, QC, Canada
    Dr. Robert Jensen - University of Texas at Austin, Texas, United States
    Thomas H. Kemsley - Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Edoardo Kibongui - Italian Baptist Union of Churches, Turin, Italy
    Anton Klepke - Sweden
    Claude Labrecque - QC, Canada
    Benjamin Lach – Germany
    Marie-Thérèse Lacourse – QC, Canada
    Matthew K. Laing - Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Michael Laxer - Toronto City Council Candidate-Ward 6, Toronto, ON, Canada
    Gabriel Legault - Mi-retraité service quincaillerie et ami dans la fam. Int. De la miséricorde, Lachine, QC, Canada
    Gabriele Lenzi - Resistenza femminista, Italy
    David Lohan - Co-Author "Open Secrets: An Irish Perspective on Trafficking & Witchcraft", Ireland
    Oscar Sanchez Viesca Lopez - Miembro activo del grupo civil VI.D.A y amnrdac, Torreon, Mexico
    Eli Mack-Hardiman – NY, United States
    Claudio Magnabosco - Director and co-founder, Associazione Ragazze di Benin City, Italy
    Guy Malette - Responsable des Achats et de la maintenance de la Maison mère des Soeurs de Miséricorde, Montréal, QC, Canada
    Pascal Marcil - Senior specialist, Bromont, QC, Canada
    Dr. Michael Markwick - Capilano University, North Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Colin Mingus – Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Josua Mata - Secretary-General, SENTRO Labor Center, Philippines
    Hugh McElveen - Independent Researcher, Ireland
    David McHugh - Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Ronald Meyer - Halfmoon Bay, BC, Canada
    Patrick Morin - Militant, Valleyfield, QC, Canada
    Ryan Munn – Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Jonathan Nambu - Executive Director, Samaritana Transformation Ministries, Inc., Philippines
    Michael Nestor - Australia
    David H. Nguyen - Editor-in-Chief, Cancer InCytes Magazine, USA
    Irwin Oostindie - Media producer, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Arinze Orakue - Director of PR, Nigerian National Agency for the Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons (NAPTIP), Abuja, Nigeria
    Joe Osagie - Greater London City Council, London, UK
    Lucky Oseye - Turin, Italy
    Simeon Pang – Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Pascale Parent - Interventante CALACS de Rimouski, Rimouski, QC, Canada
    Dan Peters - Partnership Co-ordinator, Native Women’s Association of Canada, Ottawa, ON, Canada
    Alain Philoctète - Coordonateur de programmes, Poète, Maîtrise en pratique de recherche et action publique, Montréal, QC, Canada
    Richard Poulin - Professeur émérite département de sociologie et d'anthropologie de l’Université d'Ottawa, Professeur associé à l’Institut de recherches et d'études féministes (IREF) de l’Université du
    Québec à Montréal, Ville Mont-Royal, QC, Canada
    Professor Keith Pringle - Professor of Sociology with a specialism in social work, Uppsala University, Sweden; Adjungeret Professor, Aalborg University, Denmark; and Honorary Professor, University of Warwick, UK
    Fred Robert - Fondateur, Zéromacho
    Vincent Romani - Professeur régulier, département de science politique à l’Université du Québec à Montréal, Montréal, QC, Canada
    Marc Andris Saint Louis - Travailleur social, Membre d'organisation féministe, Haïti
    Dario Saluz - Architect, Turin, Italy
    Hugh Samson - B.Sc, P. Geo. Vancouver, BC, Canada
    François Savard - Directeur de la Maison mère des Soeurs de Miséricorde, Montréal, QC, Canada
    Philippe Scelles - Président d'honneur et vice-président de la Fondation Scelles
    Yves Scelles - Vice-président de la Fondation Scelles, France
    Reece K. Sellin - Fort Saskatchewan, AB, Canada
    Marc André Sullivan - Militant, Montréal, QC, Canada
    François Trudel - Directeur d'entreprise Chandelles tradition, St-Constant, QC, Canada
    Elcid Vedinel - Linguiste, Membre d'organisation féministe, Haïti
    Ray Justin Ventura - National Chairperson, Youth and Students Advancing Gender Equality (YSAGE), Philippines
    Max Waltman - PhD Candidate, Department of Political Science, Stockholm University, Sweden
    Marv Wheale - Home Health Air, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Jonathan R. Wilson - Ph.D., Carey Theological College, Vancouver, BC, Canada
    Carlo Italo Zanotti - Architect, Senior Partner, Artom & Zanotti Associati, Turin, Italy
    David Zimmerman - GEMS Council of Daughters, National Survivor Network, Polaris Project Legislative Circle, United States of America


[1] Canada (Attorney General) v.Bedford, 2012 ONCA 186, para. 117, online at:

[2] Canada (Attorney General) v. Bedford, 2013 SCC 72, para. 86, online at:

[3] Seo-Young Cho, Axel Dreher, Eric Neumayer,“Does Legalized Prostitution Increase Human Trafficking?” World Development, vol. 41, pp. 67–82, 2013.

[4] Ministry of Justice (New Zealand), “Street-Based Workers,” Report of the Prostitution Law Review Committee on the Operation of the Prostitution Reform Act 2003, chap. 8, 2008, online at:

[5] Federal Ministry for Family Affairs, Senior Citizens, Women and Youth (Germany), Report by the Federal Government on the Impact of the Act Regulating the Legal Situation of Prostitutes (Prostitution Act), July 2007, at 79. online at: See also, Ministry of Security and Justice (The Netherlands), Daalder, A.L., WODC (Research and Documentation Centre), “Conclusions,” Prostitution in the Netherlands since the lifting of the brothel ban, 2007, online at:

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French go Nordic on prostitution: new report explains why Australia should be next

Coalition Against Trafficking in Women Australia

Media Release

French go Nordic on prostitution: new report explains why Australia should be next

With France poised to become the latest European country to prohibit the purchase of sexual services, it’s time for Australia to question its outdated laws on prostitution.

This is the message of a new report from the Coalition Against Trafficking in Women Australia, titled, Demand Change: Understanding the Nordic Approach to Prostitution, which is being launched on Tuesday 3 December at The University of Melbourne.

“There’s a patchwork of ineffective and inconsistent legislation dealing with prostitution across different States in Australia, so we need to think about new and better ways of doing things,” said Dr Meagan Tyler, chief author of the report and a sociologist at Victoria University, Melbourne.

“There seems to be a lot of misinformation in this country about the Nordic Model, but it actually reduces the market for prostitution and stems sex trafficking. Surely these are things we should be aiming to do here too?”

At the launch, Melburnians will be able to pick up a copy of the report and find out what the Nordic Model is, how it works and why it’s now seen as the most innovative and progressive approach to prostitution policy in the world.

CATWA Public Officer, Professor Sheila Jeffreys, an internationally renowned scholar on the sex industry at the University of Melbourne, will be officially launching the report.

“It’s about women’s equality: by targeting men’s demand for women’s bodies and penalising the buyers, the Nordic Model recognises prostitution as a serious site of violence against women,” Professor Jeffreys said. “That’s why we’re launching this report during the United Nations’ 16 Days of Activism Against Gender Violence.”

The report will be available at the CATWA website on Wednesday 4 December.

Report Launch Details:

WHEN:     Tuesday 3 December, 6.00pm-7.30pm
WHERE:    The University of Melbourne, Linkway Room, 4th Floor, John Medley Building


More information:

10 myths about prostitution, trafficking and the Nordic model

When the Coalition Against Trafficking in Women Australia (CATWA) announced the release of our new report on the Nordic Model, supporters of the sex industry began targeting our Facebook page.

When I followed up with an opinion piece for The Conversation on the success of the Nordic Model, a handful of men, and one prominent Australian feminist , spent hours trading inaccuracies about the Nordic approach to prostitution policy and disparaging anyone stupid enough to think that a booming industry which trades in women’s bodies is anything but inevitable.

These falsities and fabrications will be familiar to anyone who has written or said anything that publicly criticizes the sex industry. The same claims, usually without reference to relevant evidence, are repeated so frequently in certain spheres that they have practically become mantras. If you say it often enough, it becomes true, right?

In the interests of being able to offer more than 140 character responses to these predictable criticisms, here’s a list of responses to the most common myths I’ve had thrown at me.


1. I’m a sex worker, I choose sex work and I love it

This is one of the most popular retorts de jour and is treated by many who use it as a sort of checkmate argument, as though any one person stating that they enjoy sex work makes all of the other evidence about violence, post-traumatic stress disorder and trafficking in prostitution, magically disappear.

Maud Olivier, the Socialist MP who recently introduced the Bill to prohibit the purchase of sexual services in France, slammed the “hypocrisy” of such criticisms: “So is it enough for one prostitute to say she is free for the enslavement of others to be respectable and acceptable?” she asked her fellow parliamentarians.

But the “I love sex work” refrain is put forward as a powerful argument because it is seen to counter a supposedly all-encompassing claim by radical feminists and others that systems of prostitution are harmful to women.

This relies on misunderstandings of radical politics, the concept of structural oppression and tired old debates about false consciousness. Just because you like something doesn’t mean that it can’t be harmful (just as liking something doesn’t automatically make it feminist). Radical feminists criticize beauty practices as harmful too, and saying you choose to wear high-heels doesn’t make that critique wrong. Nor does it mean these feminists hate you for wearing high heels (I’ve heard that one wheeled out in many an undergraduate tutorial) or being in prostitution.

Similarly, when anyone practicing radical politics points out that free choice is a fairytale, and that all our actions are constrained within certain material conditions, this does not equate to saying we’re all infantilized, little drones unable to make decisions for ourselves. It just means we’re not all floating around in a cultural vacuum making decisions completely unaffected by structural issues like systemic economic inequality, racism and sexism.

2. Only sex workers are qualified to comment on prostitution

This myth is often used in tandem with the first. And here’s the best/worst example I’ve had sent my way.

While such exchanges may be part of a wider problem of attempting to spuriously employ personal experience to trump research and disprove wider social trends (sexism doesn’t exist because I’ve never seen it!), there is more to these interactions in the context of prostitution. Repeating that only current sex workers are qualified to talk about the sex industry is an attempt to silence survivor’s voices and pretend that the consequences of prostitution apply only to those in prostitution.

It is true that much feminist opposition to prostitution has focused on the harms to women in prostitution, and rightly so, these harms are serious and endemic. But, as advocates of the Nordic Model point out, the existence of systems of prostitution is also a barrier to gender equality.

As long as women (and yes there are men in prostitution, but please, let’s be honest and admit that using “people” here would only obfuscate the fact that the vast majority of those in prostitution are women) can be bought and sold like commodities for sex is an issue for all women. The Swedes recognized this when they introduced the original ban on buying sex in 1999, and the French women’s rights minister is busy explaining it again at the moment.

3. All sex workers oppose the Nordic Model

Firstly, it is important to point out that for every sex worker rights organization that opposes the Nordic Model, there’s a survivor organization that advocates for it.

The idea that every woman with any experience in the sex industry detests the Nordic Model is tactical claim by a number of sex worker rights’ organizations around the world and it relies heavily on myth number two. This claim is, more often than not, followed by a link to Petra Ostergren’s blog which proves (we’re told) that all women in prostitution hate the Nordic Model and would prefer legalization.

It is clear that there are a number of very vocal opponents of the Nordic Model within the sex industry who have a significant platform. But it can hardly be said that these organizations represent all women in prostitution around the world, or that the odd blog post (light on references or other evidence) proves that the Nordic Model is a failure.

4. The Nordic Model denies sex workers’ agency

One of the things that critics seem to find so difficult to comprehend about the Nordic Model is that it is actually about restricting buyers, not about restricting those in prostitution. That is why it decriminalizes prostituted persons. The Model doesn’t discount the possibility of prostitution by “choice” but rather establishes that the buying of women in systems of prostitution is something that the state should actively discourage.

It’s pretty simple really. The Nordic Model acknowledges that less demand for prostitution and less demand for trafficking = less prostitution and less trafficking ∴ reducing the number of women exposed to these particular types of abuse and creating a better chance of achieving gender equality.

If you think that the state should encourage the growth of the prostitution industry and treat it as a form of gainful employment for women, then you’re bound to disagree, but that doesn’t mean the Model denies anybody’s agency.

5. The Nordic Model conflates prostitution and trafficking.

Many proponents of the Nordic Model adopt the understanding of trafficking advanced by the United Nations Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons Especially Women and Children [] (see Article 3a). This is a more nuanced understanding of trafficking than the “people moved across international borders at gun point” version that is popular in much of the mainstream press. Perhaps this is where the confusion sets in.

But even in employing this more realistic, UN-supported understanding of the mechanics of coercion and trafficking, the Nordic Model does not assume that every woman in prostitution is necessarily trafficked.

What the Nordic Model does do is recognize that there is a connection between the market for prostitution and sex trafficking, specifically that the demand for sexual services fuels sex trafficking. So, if you want less sex trafficking, then you need to shrink the market for prostitution.

This logic was further supported by a recent study of 150 countries, conducted by economists in the UK and Germany, showing that “the scale effect of legalized prostitution leads to an expansion of the prostitution market, increasing human trafficking.”

6. The Nordic Model doesn’t work / pushes prostitution “underground”.

The contention that the Nordic Model has not reduced demand for prostitution is one often repeated without evidence, but occasionally it is claimed that the Swedish government’s own review of their legislation showed the failure of the Model. As legal scholar Max Waltman has demonstrated, it did no such thing. Research commissioned by the Swedish government for its official review showed that street prostitution had halved.

“Ha!” The critics say, “That study employed a flawed methodology and prostitution has just gone underground.” Perhaps, but that overlooks other sources, including research indicating the number of people in Sweden buying sex has fallen and that police report having intercepted communications from traffickers declaring that Sweden is a “bad market.”

It’s also worth considering what “underground” is supposed to mean in this context, as in legalized and decriminalized systems, like some in Australia, “underground” is taken to mean street prostitution. So if prostitution has moved off the streets, where has it gone? Online and indoors, is the assertion of critics, which is quite odd given that advocates of legalization frequently tout the benefits of indoor prostitution.

7. The Nordic Model deprives women of a living.

This myth is the most intriguing because it is actually an admission that the Nordic Model works, directly contradicting myth six. The Model can only deprive women of a living if it does, in fact, reduce the demand for prostitution. What’s more, comprehensive exit programs are a critical part of the Model, involving access to a wide variety of services including retraining and employment support.

Hashtags like #nothingaboutuswithoutus (used by a number of groups, not just sex industry organizations) regularly appear alongside this claim as though the only satisfactory option available is for everyone to accept a flourishing prostitution market because some people want it that way.

Not just any people though, of course – workers – if you buy the “sex work is work” line. Leaving aside the problems with the concept that prostitution is a job like any other, if we accept this premise, then the argument doesn’t follow, as workers in any given industry don’t get to determine whether or not that industry continues.

Take the brown coal or forestry industries in Australia, for example. These are sectors that have been deemed by governments to be harmful in a number of ways and that, as a result – while they are still potentially profitable – they no longer have a social license to continue operating uninhibited. Workers in these industries are often outraged at seeing their jobs threatened, which is why unions advocate for “just transitions,” providing retraining and facilitated access to social and employment services for those workers affected (sound familiar?). For the most part, these unions have given up arguing that the harmful industry in question should continue simply to avoid employment disruption for workers.

If sex work is work, and prostitution is just another industry, then it is open for wider public discussion and policy changes like other industry, including the possibility that governments will no longer want it to function.

8. The Nordic Model has made prostitution unsafe.

First things first, prostitution is unsafe. To suggest that the Nordic Model is what makes it dangerous is disingenuous. Such declarations also ignore research showing that traditional forms of legalization and decriminalization do virtually nothing to protect women in prostitution from very high odds of physical and sexual violence as well as psychological trauma.

Systems of legalization foster greater demand and create an expanding illegal industry surrounding them, so it is a fallacy to pretend that in localities where prostitution is legalized, all women are actually in legal forms of prostitution. In addition, rates of trauma are similar across legalized, decriminalized and criminalized systems of prostitution.

Sadly, even the Nordic Model is not capable of fully protecting women still in prostitution from many of these conditions – as long as there is prostitution there will be harm – but the idea that it makes conditions worse is spurious.

The “more violence” claims mostly relate to a widely cited ProSentret study which found that women in prostitution had reported an increase in certain forms of violent acts from johns, including hair pulling and biting, after the introduction of the Nordic Model in Norway. What is often left out from these accounts, however, is that the study also found women reported a sharp decline in other forms of violence, including punching and rape.

As for women in prostitution not being able to access adequate social services, this may well be a problem on the ground. If so, it absolutely needs to be addressed. But this is an issue of implementation rather than a flaw in the Model itself.

The original version of the Nordic Model, introduced in Sweden, was part of the Kvinnofrid reforms to funnel more government money and support to a variety of services tackling violence against women, including specifically in prostitution. We’ve seen this again in France, with laws decriminalizing those in prostitution brought in alongside measures to curb other forms of violence against women.

9. The Nordic Model is really a moral crusade in disguise.

Despite the evidence-based policy of the Nordic Model being introduced by progressive and socialist governments, the notion persists that this is some kind of underhanded religious or conservative attempt to curtail sexual expression, rather than an effective way of tackling trafficking and violence against women.

But perhaps this all depends on how you define “moral crusade.” If you view the movement for women’s equality as a “moral crusade”, then I suppose it is. It you are determined to dismiss all of the evidence in support of the Nordic Model and instead want to debate this on a “moral” level, then by all means do. Those who think violence against women is a bad thing are bound to win that argument.

10. Academics who research prostitution make money off the backs of women in prostitution.

This is a relatively new addition to the list of silencing techniques used against those feminists who challenge the sex industry. The first time I came across such an accusation was via the comment section here and then in the follow up emails helpfully advising me that I was just like men who rape women in prostitution because I was using the experiences of sex workers without paying.

So let me be very clear: academics conduct research. For many, like me, this often involves collating existing research and, using that evidence, creating an argument that can be defended. That is our job. And it is our job, regardless of the topic or area that we’re researching.

Engaging in public debates about the Nordic Model, and citing relevant research, is in no way an attempt to speak for women in prostitution. It is an attempt to bring the findings of that research to a broader audience. If this is perceived as threatening by the sex industry, then surely that suggests the Nordic Model is effective?



Meagan Tyler is a lecturer in Sociology at Victoria University, Australia. Her research interests are based mainly around the social construction of gender and sexuality. Her work in this area has been published in Women’s Studies International Forum and Women and Therapy as well as several edited collections including ‘Everyday Pornography’ (Boyle ed., 2010) and ‘Prostitution, Harm and Gender Inequality’ (Coy ed., 2012). Meagan’s first book, ‘Selling Sex Short: The pornographic and sexological construction of women’s sexuality in the West’, was released in July, 2011.


Buying sex should be banned in Australia
The Conversation, Dec 3, 2013

by Meagan Tyler, Lecturer in Sociology at Victoria University

Disclosure Statement: Meagan Tyler is a volunteer with the Coalition Against Trafficking in Women Australia.

  There is still almost no serious discussion of the “Nordic Model” for prostitution in Australia. Cedpics

Imagine a scenario where prostitution is not restricted or sanctioned but buying sex is banned. Could such an approach work in Australia? It already has elsewhere, and the evidence suggests it’s worth considering.

This week, French MPs will vote on a raft of measures to curb the sex industry.

Last week, the French lower house passed a motion to prohibit the purchase of sexual services and, in the next few days, further measures to decriminalise people in prostitution and set up government funded exit programs to assist those wishing to leave prostitution will be introduced.

Najat Vallaud-Belkacem, France’s Women’s Rights Minister, has proudly championed the proposed legislation, declaring that France is “not a country that welcomes prostitution".

Statements such as these are more often associated with conservative and religious movements in popular consciousness, but these laws confound such stereotyping. The proposed legislation is based on policy developed by the Socialist government as part of a wider brief to promote gender equality and reduce violence against women.

These actions make France the latest European nation to move towards the Nordic Model of prostitution policy: a system of partial decriminalisation where those in prostitution are not restricted or sanctioned, but buying sex is banned.

The Nordic Model was devised in Sweden in the 1990s and is now in place in Norway and Iceland. A variation is in operation in Finland as well as England and Wales, while Scotland, Ireland and Israel have all developed proposed legislation based on the Nordic Model in the past 18 months.

The limits of legalisation

One reason the Nordic Model is gaining traction internationally is that traditional criminalisation – where both the buying and selling of sexual services is illegal, and licensing regimes, where governments legalise and regulate certain forms of the sex industry – is increasingly becoming recognised as ineffective and even counter-productive.

The Netherlands and Germany, two nations with (in)famous systems of legalised prostitution, are experiencing heated public debate about the limits of this approach.

Dutch authorities have essentially conceded that legalisation has been a failure while Germany has found its sex industry unmanageable, with more than 400,000 people in prostitution, “servicing” approximately one million men a day.

It was probably no surprise to authorities in either country when economists in Germany and Britain determined earlier this year that legalising prostitution leads to increased human trafficking inflows.

In contrast, Sweden’s prohibition on the purchase of sexual services has been remarkably successful. According to a variety of NGOs and government agencies, street prostitution virtually disappeared in major cities after the introduction of the ban, and trafficking networks quickly came to view Sweden as a bad market that wasn’t worth the trouble.

More than a decade on, fewer men report buying sex and the total number of people in prostitution is said to have halved, while fears about the law simply pushing prostitution “underground” have not materialised.

Australia ignores the Nordic Model

The Nordic Model may be becoming de rigueur among progressive governments elsewhere in the world, yet there is still almost no serious discussion of this approach in Australia. Existing legislation on prostitution has recently been reconsidered in Tasmania, Western Australia, South Australia and the Australian Capital Territory (ACT), yet most MPs steadfastly refuse to consider the Nordic Model as a real alternative to existing arrangements.

Indeed, many lawmakers in Australia have continued to overlook evidence of the harms of prostitution while they ignore, dismiss or misrepresent the Nordic Model. In Tasmania, the state’s Attorney General incorrectly claimed in an official paper that sex work is criminalised in Sweden when, in fact, the opposite is the case and sex work is decriminalised; only the buying of sex is illegal.

Further problems of partiality have occurred in the ACT. In 2012, Liberal MP Vicki Dunne, the Chair of the Standing Committee on Justice and Community Safety, took the unusual measure of attaching her dissenting views to the final Inquiry into the Prostitution Act report.

Dunne wrote that she felt the need to do so after other members of the Committee had “played down" the human rights problems associated with the sex industry.

In Queensland, which also has a legalised system of prostitution, the Prostitution Licensing Authority (PLA) released a discussion paper in 2010, which attempts to discredit the Nordic Model.

Rather than relying on evidence, the paper promotes legalisation while simply disparaging prominent women who have openly supported the Nordic Model in Australia and overseas. (One woman shouldn’t be trusted, we’re told, because she cried when Nordic Model laws were passed in the Norwegian parliament.)

That the PLA chose to release such an attack, disguised as a discussion paper, is particularly interesting given that the Authority has provided only one such publicly available paper in the past ten years.

Debates about prostitution policy in Australia seem to have reached an impasse. As a result, the patchwork of decriminalisation, criminalisation and legalisation across different states and territories remains inconsistent and ineffective.

Experiments with legalisation and decriminalisation have unfortunately been exposed as resounding failures while traditional criminalisation has also been rightly criticised as an out-dated approach that wrongly punishes people in prostitution.

Fortunately, we need not choose between the extremes of legalisation and criminalisation.

The Nordic Model offers a new way forward for more comprehensive, cohesive and compassionate prostitution policy in Australia. It’s got all the benefits of Scandinavian design – but now with added French flair.

Province urges feds to use Nordic model on sex trade
Targets pimps, johns rather than workers

Manitoba is calling on the Harper government to adopt the "Nordic model" that cracks down on pimps and johns but not prostitutes.

In a letter sent this month to his federal counterpart, Manitoba Justice Minister Andrew Swan detailed his views on what Canada's new prostitution law should look like. Swan said the law should target the demand for sexual services while helping sex-trade workers get the addiction counselling, mental-health services and training they need to get off the streets.

"It should make any purchase of sex illegal, period," said Swan in an interview. "But we should decriminalize the victims of sexual exploitation."

Swan said crafting a fair prostitution law is complex, but targeting demand will decrease the number of sex-trade workers who are murdered or go missing. And it will reduce the levels of coercion many young women face from pimps and sex traffickers.

Key elements of Canada's confusing prostitution laws were struck down by the Supreme Court of Canada late last year. The Harper government has pledged to rewrite the law by year's end, sparking a national debate over what fair and effective legislation might look like.

Manitoba is now the first province to publicly advocate for the Nordic model, and it makes Swan unexpected allies with Conservative MP Joy Smith, a vocal opponent of sex trafficking. She also favours the legislative framework common in countries such as Sweden and Norway where the exploitative activities of pimps and johns are illegal but prostitutes don't face any criminal sanctions.

"I applaud him for doing this," said Smith. "It's exactly the way to go."

Smith said she is lobbying her caucus and federal Justice Minister Peter MacKay hard, asking them to consider the Nordic model, and she expects other provinces will join Manitoba in calling for that approach.

The Supreme Court ruled clauses in the Criminal Code banning street soliciting, living off the avails and keeping a brothel were unconstitutional because they put sex-trade workers at significant risk of violence and even death. The ruling left Canada's anti-prostitution laws in limbo and some provinces have already suspended prosecutions. The top court gave the Harper government a year to rethink the law.

MacKay has expressed concern over the court's decision and has said outright legalization is not an option, but he has expressed a willingness to consider the Nordic model.

"We are reviewing the decision and are exploring all possible options to ensure the criminal law continues to address the significant harms that flow from prostitution to communities, those engaged in prostitution, and vulnerable persons," he said in a statement late last year.

A spokeswoman for MacKay said Friday the minister had nothing new to add, even in light of Manitoba's position. Work on drafting new legislation is progressing, she said.


Toward halting charges

Like their counterparts across the country, Manitoba's police and prosecutors were left in legal limbo by the Supreme Court's prostitution decision late last year.

That decision invalidated big parts of Canada's Criminal Code and prompted some provinces, such as New Brunswick and Ontario, to suspend the practice of charging prostitutes.

Justice Minister Andrew Swan said Manitoba is moving in that direction as well, inspired by the Nordic model.

The Winnipeg Police Service announced late last year its vice unit would begin aggressively targeting johns while working with prostitutes to get them off the streets instead of into jails. To complement that move, and in reaction to the top court's ruling, Swan said the province's prosecution policy is being updated. Crowns will still pursue charges against johns and pimps but only rare charges against sex-trade workers will be tackled and only in extreme circumstances.

That means Manitoba has moved significantly toward a Nordic model. What's missing are key elements of the Criminal Code that make buying sex illegal, said Swan.

 -- Welch

- M.PAULUS : Out of Control. On liberties and criminal developments in the redlight districts of the Federal Republic of Germany.
Publié le 2014/05/06 par ressourcesprostitution    
By Manfred Paulus, retired detective chief superintendent, Ulm/Danube, June 2013

External perspectives ("Außenansichten")

The roads are bumpy and steep. They lead up to the mountains, high above Tirana. Signposts, signs, or markings disappeared long ago, and good local knowledge seems to be necessary to find a specific destination or back to the capital. Suddenly, in a valley, there is a hidden area with two old houses, fenced with barbed wire and guarded by armed security guards, where a dozen or more young Albanian women are housed, victims of human trafficking and sex slavery. The Ministry of the Interior has placed them here in as a victim protection measure. These in turn are related to EU requirements for Albania’s desired membership in the European Community. Up here in the mountains, the young women learn a trade hairdresser or seamstress. These are activities in which money can be earned in Albania. Then, once they are no longer afraid, no longer have to flee and fear for their young lives…

Their "owners" and exploiters, members of criminal gangs, traffickers and pimps are searching for them. They want to bring them back to where they once were and from where they fled: to Germany or Austria. They want to continue exploiting the young women as sex slaves, and it is to be feared that they want revenge. They want to set an example that escape will not be tolerated and, if necessary, they are ready to remove, dispose of, the young women who might be troublesome witnesses. To prevent this, they were brought here to safety as far as there is, or can be, safety here.
Dirt, filth, poverty, helplessness and exposure, fear, threats, violence, drugs, disgusting johns, perverse practices … Elina, only 19 years old and one of the women hidden in the mountains of Albania, nervously runs her fingers through her long, blueblack hair and tells of the horrendous trip that led her from Albania via Kosovo to Germany and into the sex centers of several German cities.
She suddenly resembles an old raddled woman. Her pretty face looks pale, and her expression is deadly serious. A veil of sadness and resignation lies about her, and there are tears in her clear, dark eyes. Then she looks up suddenly. For a moment she looks demanding, proud, combative.

"Why is there such a thing in your country? Why is there allowed to be such a thing in Germany?"
The questions are as painful as stabs from a knife, they make us feel ashamed.
"We are also sad that there is such a thing in Germany …" is the regretful answer which is in fact not an answer.

In conversations with members of the police, the criminal police, or with representatives of non governmental organizations (NGOs) in the countries of the former Soviet Union and of Southeastern European, the recruitment and transit countries of commoditized women and children, it becomes clear again and again that in those countries it is well known what happens to the victims of human trafficking in the German redlight districts, in bars, brothels and in the streetwalkers’ patch. ["Straßenstrich"] The situation was documented by returnees, grossly disappointed, often completely desperate and distraught, often severely traumatized women who have escaped the hell of German sex markets. In Albania as well as in Bulgaria and Romania, in Belarus and the Republic of Moldova as well as in Ukraine…

And in all these countries it is also well known what does not happen to the perpetrators in this country: that they can operate largely without risk, they are mostly not prosecuted and that there is hardly ever an appropriate judgment against them. People look on with incomprehension, often with indignation and contempt.

It seems remarkable that the miserable reputation that Germany has, with regard to the sexual exploitation of women and children, is in no way restricted only to the Eastern and Southeastern European countries where victims are recruited. The tolerance often granted in Germany, tolerating or even promoting degrading sexual practices in the milieus concerned, and the hardly successful fight against crime in the German redlight scene has also caused in the past, for example, the irritation and amazement of our neighbor France.
There, in comparison with Germany, almost opposite strategies and a highly restrictive policy have been pursued for a long time towards the largely criminalised French sex market. While in the German Penal Code pimping carries a penalty similar to that of illegally leaving the scene of an accident and is in many cases not even prosecuted, since the entry into force of the Prostitution Law of 2002, France has clear criteria available in § 225 of their Penal Code, thanks to which France has some of the heaviest penalties against pimping worldwide. This is why pimps, to the annoyance of France, act from idyllic German Rhine towns: for example, they drive their victims from Kehl over the Europe Bridge [Pont de l’Europe] to Strasbourg in France, where they are put to work as street prostitutes. In 2003, during his time as Minister of the Interior, Sarkozy also wanted to abolish this street prostitution, a last remnant of the former "land of the free love" however, he did not succeed. His attempt failed, as all attempts to abolish prostitution have failed over the centuries and the history of mankind.

Nevertheless, France unwaveringly continues its attempts to confine the sex industry to a controlled minimum and to prevent and effectively combat redlight crime and the inextricably linked organized crime in all its forms.

In the U.S., too, people are closely following events in Germany. Sometimes they even call it "the land of evil," when there is talk of the liberties which our country allows the redlight milieus and thus the traffickers, pimps, and organized crime, while sex slaves and victims of even worse crimes, are often left alone.

In the United States, prostitution is with a few exceptions prohibited. The philosophy of the U.S. ban on prostitution can be found in the "National Security Presidential Directive". Here prostitution is viewed as inherently malicious. Legalization, it is stated, fosters trafficking and pimping, and the establishments concerned are nothing more than facades behind exploitation
and crime happen. According to a U.S. study that was published in the scientific publication "Journal for Trauma Practice":

    the majority of prostitutes do not work in prostitution voluntarily
    89% of them are more or less desperate and want to get out
    again and again children are exploited after legalization despite all countermeasures
    between 60 and 75% of prostitutes are raped one or multiple times
    70-95% of women in prostitution experience assault
    68% of prostitutes suffer from post traumatic disorders, levels comparable to those of war veterans or victims of torture.

It is also stated that the legalization of prostitution inevitably involves an expansion of the sex markets and, along with them, increased crime rates. Nevertheless, even the U.S. is not free from prostitution (it is even legal in eleven counties of the state of Nevada), or from human trafficking and pimping. Latin American and Eastern European criminal gangs and syndicates also drag women to the "land of opportunity" and make them work as prostitutes there. However, this illegal prostitution in the U.S. is combated using all available means sometimes highly unconventional and unusual means. Thus, for example, on the streets as well as on the Internet, "honeytraps" are deployed. Attractive female police officers in civilian clothes offer themselves for sale. When a potential john accepts and pays the agreed price, he will immediately be arrested.
With these perspectives and circumstances, is not surprising that the rather more tolerant conditions in Germany meet with a total lack of understanding in the U.S.

German tolerance and practices in dealing with the redlight milieus are subject to criticism not only in the Eastern and Southeastern European countries where commoditized women and children are recruited, but also in France and the U.S.

A young female Thai journalist from the "Bangkok Post" (the largest English language newspaper in Thailand) also reported on the ugly Germans and the sexual exploitation of innocent Thai women and children in German brothels as well as in the Gulf of Siam.
And not without reason, the mayor of the Czech border town of Cheb has repeatedly complained in the past about the worldwide bad reputation of his town. He never forgets to point out that this is less due to his countrymen, but rather to the Germans (the johns and the child sex tourists)…

These and other critical external views on the situation and the way Germany deals with prostitution and with the redlight milieus are complemented and confirmed by the fact that pimp gangs and cliques from all over the world feel welcome to come to Germany, and by the fact that these people, and the rightly dreaded organized criminal groups feel encouraged to invest increasingly in the German redlight milieus. Not least due to continued allowances and offender-friendly conditions, the present German prostitution environment ["Prostitutionslandschaft"], the redlight milieus, have long been controlled and dominated in many parts of the country by groups that can often be associated with organized crime, such as:

    Albanian clans (the Albanian mafia),
    the Russian mafia (numerous smaller or bigger groups and organizations),
    the Balkan syndicates,
    Ukrainian gangs,
    Lebanese mafia,
    Turkish criminal groups,
    Lithuanian criminal groups,
    Bulgarian pimp gangs,
    male or female Nigerians pimps,
    the rocker gangs (Hells Angels)

and other similarly structured and not less criminal organizations.

For many years, the departments of the German police that are responsible for the fight against "crime related to nightlife" have been warning against the developments in the German milieus, as well as against redlight crime and progressing organized crime, which are increasingly taking place underground ["Dunkelfeld"].

Even Roberto Scarpinato, head of the pool of prosecutors, who has been fighting the Italian Mafia for decades in Palermo (he has collaborated with the legendary Judge Falcone who was blown up by the mafia in 1992, and he brought down the Italian President Andreotti by providing evidence of his mafia contacts), and who is considered one of the most prominent Mafia experts and hunters in the world, has for many years insistently but fruitlessly been warning Germany against the infiltration of organized crime into the German redlight milieu and beyond that, into society as a whole.
"The Germans still pretend that the mafia is a problem of the Turks, the Italians, the Japanese or Chinese…, have they really not realized that the German pimps were displaced and that others have taken over those who unquestionably are part of organized crime or the mafia (at best, there are structural differences between these two)…?"

Such remarkable external views and assessments of the developments and the events in the German redlight milieu consistently make a very negative image. And they paint a picture that is downright disastrous in terms of the assessment of the political and the resultant police and judicial handling of the situation and the challenges.

Are these critical assessments and findings justified, and is there a need for change in our handling of prostitution and with the related and in large parts unquestionably criminal, milieus?
A look at the relevant German legislation Could it be that legislative omissions, miscalculations and wrong decisions led and still lead to those problems?

At any rate, amendments with regard to the prostitution milieu have been undertaken repeatedly, without (sufficient) knowledge of, or taking into account, the conditions and characteristics of these parallel societies in the redlight milieu. Legislative initiatives often ignored the peculiarities and characteristics of the milieu and its (unwritten) laws with the result of a lacking or even counterproductive effect.

For example:

On 1 January 2001, on a Hamburg initiative and in the middle of the age of AIDS, the Law to combat sexually transmitted diseases (GeschlKrG) was abrogated, thus abolishing the previously prescribed regular health checks for prostitutes. As a consequence apart from the health aspects the regular social contact of the women in prostitution with physicians or health departments was stopped as well as the police checks, which had been made possible by and carried out according to the GeschlKrG.

Up to this day, people had failed to recognize that such contacts of prostitutes with people and institutions of the public are indispensable due to the preventive aspects which should not be underestimated: they are essential for recognition of victimization processes and crimes in the redlight parallel societies. Any restriction of such contact promotes crime and can have and indeed has fatal consequences for the (potential) victim of that environment.

The offense of trafficking for sexual exploitation has always placed high evidentiary demands. It has always been considered impractical and was therefore in the past repeatedly subjected to changes. Exploitation, predicament, helplessness in connection with the stay in a foreign country these and other elements of an offense ["Tatbestandsmerkmale"] are often difficult to prove; however, they can mostly be refuted easily and without any problems by the persons or advocates of the milieu. In those rare cases where evidence can be provided, criminal procedure requirements often present insurmountable hurdles: the perpetrators can easily prevent the attendance and testimony of a victim in court (personal evidence), which is required for a judgment and this is indeed what the exploiters of the victims of human trafficking and sex slavery habitually do. Sometimes it is even the government that prevents personal evidence being given, if the victims were expelled from the country before upcoming court hearings.

There are similar problems when it comes to the offense of pimping, which, due to the Prostitution Act of 2002, can only find a very limited application anyway. With this Prostitution Act, which has clearly missed its objective to improve the situation of prostitutes, crucial and highly negative changes have occurred that affect prosecution and make it not only much more difficult, but in many cases even impossible. This law which entered into force in 2002 was intended to serve the prostitutes, but it solely serves the pimps.

Perhaps this is related to the fact that the then Federal Minister of Justice is reported to have extensively consulted with a brothel operator in Stuttgart, but to have abstained from seeking the advice or opinion of, for example, the experienced and undoubtedly competent prostitution service of the Stuttgart police (according to Chief Inspector Hohmann, longtime head of the prostitution investigation service ["Ermittlungsdienst Prostitution"] in Stuttgart, in an interview with EMMA Issue Spring 2011 [ii]). Anyway, the law fails to recognize the realities and completely fails to meet the intended objectives.

For instance, its entire logic is based on the assumption that the milieus where prostitution is embedded, which they direct and control, do not or only negligibly differ from common areas of society, and that their properties and characteristics may be disregarded. A fatal mistake! In the subcultures and parallel societies of the prostitution milieus, it has never been the legislator or the Prostitution Act that determined, for example, who will be covered by medical and social insurance and who will not, but it is only the pimps. This was the case previous and is and will remain the case for the foreseeable future. As in other areas, the power imbalance between brothel owners or pimps and the prostitutes prevents any freedom of choice. The German redlight districts are and this, too, has been misunderstood or ignored subcultures with their own values, their own laws, their own judges, and if necessary, their own executioners.

All persons in this milieu perpetrators and victims, tenants and landlords, the homeless, drug addicts, prostitutes, traffickers, pimps and redlight kings they all feel subject and committed to these laws and to these laws alone. This is what the victims of human trafficking learn in their first lesson, which is mostly given to them before entering German territory and German brothels. The general laws, however, are of no interest in these milieus; they must not be of interest. They are ignored, at best taken note of with contempt, they are trampled upon or ridiculed unless they are, just as the Prostitution Law, useful for the milieus and the people living in them.

This Prostitution Act, again in disregard of realities, equates prostitution with any other trade (for several reasons, it has never been nor will ever be a trade like any other).

Moreover, it explicitly gives pimps an albeit restricted right of direction over prostitutes ["Weisungsrecht"]. Maybe it was the Stuttgart brothel operator who advised the then Federal Minister of Justice. But for every follower of this scene it remains a mystery as to whose job it is to restrict this right. And for the follower of these conditions it remains an even bigger mystery, how the legislator could come to the obviously absurd idea to grant pimps an explicit right of direction over prostitutes. For not only in the last decades, but for many centuries, pimps have known how to give instructions in sufficiently known and often dramatic ways and means that are relevant to criminal law (i.e., with threats and violence).
However, since the entry into force of the first body of criminal law in 1532, the "Carolina" [iii], there had never been an explicit approval of this dynamic by the German legislator until the Prostitution Act entered into force on 1st January, 2002. In all other civilized countries of the world, this [restricted] right of direction that is expressly granted by the German legislator, would be penalized as pimping and thus as a misdemeanor or even as a crime!

The consequences of this strange and most offender-friendly legal provision were inevitable: suddenly the courts (e.g. the Augsburg District Court) refused to even accept complaints for proven pimping, referring to this right of direction. The exploiters had dictated, for example, prices, working hours, sexual practices, and the like; permanent nudity was mandatory for the prostitutes, and prostitutes or victims of the milieu were not allowed to make telephone calls. When at the end of 2001, federal politicians in Berlin clinked glasses with a brothel owner to celebrate the new Prostitution Law and the "end of old moral standards," the consequences of this "progressive legislation" were a short time later deplored from many sides.

In 2004 at a hearing, also in Berlin it was established by NGOs, police officers and jurists that Germany, not least because of the Prostitution Act, is the worst performing country in the whole EU area, in the fight against human trafficking (trafficking in women and sexual slavery). To this day, this is likely to not have changed for the better, but to have rather deteriorated dramatically.
At the beginning of 2007, not least because of growing criticism from various sides as well as increased evidence of adverse developments, the federal government announced a reform of the Prostitution Act. But so far, nothing has been resolved.

In November 2010, during a Conference of Ministers of the Interior, the police chiefs of all German federal states pointed to the excesses that would result from the "legally sanctioned disinhibition", and in April 2011 the Federal Minister for Family Affairs announced a draft bill. It has not been drafted to this day.

The annual reports of the federal states’ police forces to the Federal Criminal Police Office (BKA) continuously show no more than four, five or six hundred investigations into human trafficking for the purpose of sexual exploitation (of which only a few lead to an appropriate judgment against the offender).

This alone is more than just an indication that this type of crime cannot (or cannot any longer) be successfully combated in Germany, but that it consists of a potentially gigantic underground world. Of about 400,000 women who prostitute themselves in Germany (or who are forced to do so), at least 50%, and in some cities or red light districts up to 90% (the trend is still rising), are foreigners mostly women (and children) from Eastern and Southeastern Europe. So there are several hundreds of thousands of foreign women who currently prostitute themselves in the Federal Republic of Germany or who are victims of human trafficking and sex slavery. And the now solidified and perfected structures of recruitment, smuggling and exploitation suggest that these women (and children) are victims not only in a few isolated cases, but very often. This conclusion is supported by largely consistent criminal intelligence, according to which 95-99% of the women working in the German milieu are under the control of others. As well as this, notice who is now acting and how things are determined in the German milieus, then you will inevitably come to the conclusion that there is hardly any room for free will. To sum up: human trafficking and sex slavery in Germany have most probably a gigantic and yet hardly imaginable underground world.

Travel facilities for offenders and victims

Since the accession of Bulgaria and Romania to the European Community in 2007, women (and children) are increasingly trafficked from and via these two countries to Germany and brought here on the "Balkan route". Thus also numerous Hungarian (Roma) women are suddenly found in the red light centers in Austria, Switzerland and Germany. And Bulgarian, Romanian and Hungarian pimps, too. But it wasn’t just the travel facilities associated with the EU accession of Bulgaria and Romania that were used immediately for recruiting and smuggling the victims of these markets. This fact proves how quickly and skillfully the internationally operating offenders and groups of offenders also respond to changes in border policies, and how dexterously they use existing loopholes.

Already in the year 2002 (the year of entry into force of the Prostitution Act), the German ambassador in the Republic of Moldova repeatedly pointed out to the Federal Foreign Office in Berlin that it was no longer the embassy staff, but only organized criminal groups who decided who receives a visa for entry from Moldova to Germany and who does not. At that time, there were long queues every morning in front of the building of the German embassy in Chișinău, the capital of Moldova. Three or four hundred people, mostly young men and young women, stood there patiently every day to get hold of a visa for entry into Germany. But that wasn’t all. In front of the embassy, next to bushes and under the trees, several highpowered DaimlerBenz luxury limousines with tinted windows were also parking there every morning, in time for the opening of the embassy.
And then there was day after day a continued movement out of the line of, people towards these vehicles, and then from the vehicles to the front part of the queue of those disciplined people waiting outside the embassy.

So it is only these gentlemen in the vehicles with the stars on the hoods who decided over long periods of time, who could enter the embassy building and who could not. And only those inspectors who were connected to organized crime decided who came into possession of a visa to enter Germany and who did not. It is reasonable to assume that apart from the few who could afford it it was primarily members of organized criminal groups and their helpers as well as their (potential) mostly female victims from this impoverished little country. It seems almost incredible: the ambassador’s cries for help remained unheard.

Only much later, attempts were made (without any noticeable results or consequences) to work up the matter (Visa resp. FischerVolmer affair with an investigative committee in 2005), and Foreign Minister Fischer was even called a "pimp" in Parliament. However, he was never punished as such.

Currently, the criminal Balkan syndicates and Albanian clans are obviously following with great interest the mediation talks about the possible and intended EU accession of Albania. The background: Albanian clans, the Albanian mafia, have in recent years breathed new life into the Kanun, the traditional and unwritten "laws of the mountains". Not without reason, because according to these laws, women and children have almost no rights and are the property of men. This is important and useful, because these criminal clans have specialized (among others) in the trafficking of women and children; and they no longer only dominate the prostitution taking place in different parts of the Balkans, but also in many parts of Italy and in many cities and regions in Germany.

In addition, Albania (and its neighboring countries where Albanians live) has the youngest population in Europe. And with the numerous children and young women of the country (who are without legal recourse and in possession of the men) and those from other recruitment countries, obviously further trafficking and exploitation business is planned to a great extent. Mainly in the target country Germany, which is virtually predestined for such activities, which is already occupied by these clans almost everywhere and where the basis for them and their activities already exists.

While it still seems to be assumed in political Germany that a small and underdeveloped country can pose no danger, the Albanian mafia (after some particularly frightening and very painful experiences) is currently regarded by Italian experts and by the American FBI alike as the most dangerous criminal organization in the world.

With the aim of bringing the country of Albania closer to the EU, Albanians, since 15 October 2010, are also granted visafree travel to Germany provided that the travelers possess a biometric passport. This can be a financial problem for the ordinary Albanian citizen, but not for the criminals and the persons associated with organized crime and their victims and this loophole has been exploited from day one to a high degree.

And it isn’t only the clans acting from Albania who make use of these travel and entry provisions, but quite naturally also the criminals in Kosovo who are of Albanian origin. In fact, they would still need a visa to travel to Germany, but they use the daily ferry service from Durres in Albania to Bari, Italy to enter the EU and Germany. They would need a visa, but de facto, they don’t.

These few examples (there are many more of them) show that in the destination country Germany, preferred by both perpetrators and victims, there are no serious or effective barriers to prevent the trafficking and exploitation of commoditized women and children from Eastern and Southeastern Europe, for there are no more visa requirements or entry restrictions and no more border controls. This is why the trafficking of women and children from poor to rich countries or areas, from east to west or from the Balkans to Germany does not decrease, but continues to grow.

About police work in the redlight districts and about persons of the milieu before the court

Conventional and traditional policing means and methods have always been tools of little or no use when it comes to combating redlight crime effectively. What good is a hearing or an interrogation if the other person remains silent (or is lying)? What good is a phone tap, if the police are welcomed as listeners at the second spoken sentence? What good is a search in a prostitution site that has quite obviously been thoroughly cleaned a short time before? What good is a raid when the pimps, on arrival of the forces, are standing behind the counter, grinning, and the passports of the staff are already neatly prepared, placed ready for inspection? The redlight milieus are permanently looking for access to interesting and useful areas such as politics, economy, sports, media, justice, and not least to the police… And their efforts are anything but fruitless as delicate revelations prove time and again. After all, they offer powerful enticements: sex, money, unscrupulousness…

Given the opening of borders to the east and all now existing travel and entry facilities and opportunities; given the professionalism of the perpetrators and criminal groups in the areas of recruitment, smuggling and exploitation of their (potential) victims; given the changes in power relations in the milieu (German pimps were disempowered and integrated into the new structures, or they were displaced; foreign groups, often associated with organized crime, have now taken over); given the isolation and the often misunderstood properties and peculiarities of the German redlight or prostitution milieu, it is mostly only highly complex, longterm structural investigations, equipped with no guarantee of success, which can lead to investigative successes in the fields of redlight and organized crime. But it is precisely these which are made increasingly difficult or even impossible for the police due to:

    the desolate personnel situation,
    lack of resources,
    overlaps and other requirements (e.g., with the Islamist scene),
    pressure and pursuit of quick results,
    blind reliance on statistics or
    defeats in court and other factors

However, the police (management) also contributes to this, when they all too quickly yield to the demands for fast (and yet often questionable) success; when they adore statistics and statistical figures all too much or even make them the sole yardstick of their actions; when, for these reasons and for such purposes, they do not give due importance to the crime milieu…

The abolition of the GeschlKrG (Law to combat sexually transmitted diseases), the deletion of the offense of promoting prostitution ["Streichung des Tatbestandes der Förderung der Prostitution"] (an admission ticket for the police to the milieu and an investigative fact ["Ermittlungstatbestand"], which was indeed in need of reform, but which is obviously not dispensable) and also the Prostitution Act itself significantly limited or rendered impossible police access and the controls which are necessarily required for an efficient and successful fight against crime. This current legal framework, in connection with all other offenderfriendly and crime facilitating ["tatfördernd"] changes (travel facilities, the lack of social awareness, clever offender behavior, a powerless justice system…) gives rise to the fear that the police might withdraw more and more from such a thankless labor and crime field and turn to other, more rewarding tasks. Already the securing of one or two kilograms of the stuff that (bad) dreams are made of, which is possible with comparatively little effort, can be assessed and celebrated as a "success" in the context of combating organized crime although tons of this stuff are carted into the country every day and are, not least in the redlight districts, used as a "multi-purpose weapon" and sold to interested parties.

And if, occasionally, the fight of the police against redlight crime is successful, this is often enough nullified by the court. This is not attributable to the judiciary, to the courts or to individual judges, but it is a result of inadequate and in parts completely outdated criminal procedure provisions or of not very practicable penal provisions, which are in no way adjusted to the strategies and machinations of the current challenges.

No other social group has ever succeeded in overturning the rule of law so skillfully, so effectively and to such an extent as these criminal organizations and their bosses. The rule of law is hardly anywhere so mocked and humiliated as in the pimping or trafficking trials in German court rooms, crowded with and dominated by persons associated with organized crime. These people (and their lawyers) consciously and purposefully organize provocation, disturbance, intimidation, opposition, surprising statements and turns. They try to intimidate and to unsettle. They do not adhere to the rules of society but apply those of their underground parallel societies. In most cases, it is only very experienced judges, familiar with the machinations and methods of organized crime in the sex trade, who remain unimpressed.

Pimps prevent the presence of the victims in court, which is required for a judgment (arranging for them to be flown out to an unknown place). Should the victims nevertheless appear, the pimps prevent incriminating testimonies with mostly unnoticed, but highly effective methods (your little brother with be dead tomorrow if you…). They also know the constraints of the courts
and the judges and they take advantage of them to the limits the constraints of procedural economy. The people from this underworld, and their lawyers, enforce delays and adjournments of the trial, they continuously file evidence motions (which lead to Absurdistan), they force the courts again and again to make deals for the benefit of the offenders and to the dismay or horror of the victims.
Such deals and the resultant petty judgments are also suitable for causing frustration and demotivation among investigators and investigating authorities.

Such outcomes of these proceedings prove that the efforts required were not in proportion to the achieved result. The inevitable consequence of this might be: the efforts of the police will be adjusted to the expected results. Longterm and complex structural investigations will become less frequent or will not be undertaken at all. This in turn would lead to decreasing statistical numbers. Numbers that could be interpreted as if to show that redlight and organized crime were declining, which could ultimately satisfy (almost) everyone: the politicians, the police, the judiciary, the organized crime bosses, the milieu, the traffickers and the pimps… However, this would indeed not serve the (potential) victims. And neither would it serve the rule of law.

Concluding remarks on public relations

"I have thought for a long time about whether I should comment on this theme in public," declared the secretary of state of a ministry that is responsible for the regulation of prostitution and related issues, before a televised debate on the subject of forced prostitution in a studio, and he also let it be known that the (female) Minister had refused to do that.

Besides false shame and lack of a sense of duty, it could also be inferred from these remarks that this country itself or precisely the central and competent authorities are lacking the required awareness of the problem. Certainly, the private and the public service broadcasters do not only invite ministers, for whom secretaries of state are sent as a substitute. And it is not only them who occasionally seem to lack the most elementary things, like an adequate awareness of the problem. After a boxing match, which, thanks to a knockout, found an all too quick end, a television reporter did not address the celebrities seated ringside Franz Beckenbauer, Günter Jauch and others to fill the airtime. Instead, the microphone was put under the nose of a pimp who was also sitting in the front row section reserved for VIPs. Still a little pale from serving a prison sentence for human trafficking, he then stammered little of significance about the course of the fight into the microphone; apart from a few of the usual wild brawls in the criminal milieu, he had and has no idea of boxing.

Whether, to whom or in what amount there had been cash flow for this obscure appearance, or what other sweet temptations were promised to whom, was not made public of course.

Other brothel operators and top pimps in this country have been repeatedly allowed to appear on talk shows; they were courted in front of the camera as clever businessmen (brothel establishments on the stock market!) or presented to the astonished audience as colorful personalities of modern society, admired as collectors of outrageously expensive Ferraris or as princes of purchased nobility.
Still others were transformed all of a sudden, in the midst of this our society, into serious traders and entrepreneurs. They act as major investors in the field of leisure facilities, wellness establishments, adventure sauna landscapes… They built luxury brothels, camouflaged as leisure facilities, opportunely placed next to airports, business or political centers or next to the Police Academy (nothing is random in these milieus, everything is strategy). Still others have allegedly left the business and are suddenly managers of sports stars, or they have even mutated into parliamentarians…

All this can of course also be said in a simpler and shorter way, by expressing the suspicion or certainty: they (and with them, possibly organized criminal groups) infiltrate society and penetrate into it. They are skillfull, clever, successful…

It is to be hoped that their victims did not and do not see the aforementioned shows and presentations on German television.

It also remains to be hoped that they do not hear the popping of corks after so many legislative initiatives, travel provision, after failed prosecutions, petty judgments and acquittals, and that they do not know that their exploiters in this country are wading in champagne. Elina, the young and pretty woman, hidden deep in the Albanian mountains, who was exploited and severely traumatized in the German redlight milieu, will be spared this knowledge at least for the time being, for a television is not available there.

Prostitution laws should follow Nordic model, former sex trade worker says

Prostitution laws should follow Nordic model, former sex trade worker says     
Prostitution laws should follow Nordic model, former sex trade worker says
Activist tells Calgary panel discussion Ottawa's new legislation should criminalize the users
CBC News, Feb 28, 2014
Prostitution reform activist Natasha Falle wants Canada to adopt laws similar to those in force in many Scandinavian countries that target the customers in the sex trade.
An advocate for sex trade victims wants Canadian lawmakers to adopt an approach being tried in some European countries as Ottawa re-writes federal prostitution laws.
Natasha Falle's stable suburban Calgary life fell apart after her parents divorced when she was a teenager.
My story is actually a pretty common story,” she told a panel discussion at the University of Calgary on Thursday night, explaining how she wound up being trafficked as a sex trade worker for 10 years. Now Falle promotes public awareness about prostitution with the organization she founded, Sextrade101.
The Supreme Court of Canada struck down the country’s three major prostitution laws in December, ruling that legislation banning street soliciting, living on the avails and keeping a brothel are unconstitutional.
It gave Parliament one year to come up with new legislation, during which time the anti-prostitution laws remain part of the Criminal Code.
Justice Minister Peter McKay has promised that new legislation will continue to protect women from violence and sexual abuse.
Falle said Canada should adopt the Scandinavian approach. “The Nordic model is looking at decriminalizing for the people who sell sex and criminalizing the johns and the pimps,” she said.
Hold the people, the root of the problem accountable. The men. The people who are demanding these women.”
France and Ireland are also considering adopting laws similar to those in Sweden, Norway and Finland and Iceland.

The Swedish chapter of Amnesty rejects Amnesty International’s proposal to decriminalise the purchase of sex acts
At its annual meeting in Malmö this weekend, the Swedish section will adopt a clear position against legalizing the prostitution system.
by Erik Magnusson, May 8, 2014

Last winter, Amnesty International wreaked an outcry among Swedish women when its International Secretariat in London presented a proposal to the organization advocating the decriminalization of buying and selling sex. Under this proposal, recourse to prostitution would become a human right for both men and women. Legalization is described as a way to give prostituted people greater autonomy.

Ever since the proposal was presented, the Swedish section of Amnesty International worked on a response to this consultation, one that rejects the parent organization’s proposal. Swedish Amnesty has endeavored to anchor each syllable of its response in local associations and women’s organizations.

“We are taking a decision this weekend. We have examined the issue from all angles. Our proposal is well established,” says Sofia Halth, chair of the Swedish chapter of Amnesty.

“We oppose the policies proposed by the International Secretariat. We are proposing our own starting points for how we want to work on this issue,” she adds.

According to the Swedish official response, it is only appropriate for the selling of sex to be legalized. This is consistent with the Swedish Sex Purchase Act (of 1999) and described as "an important step in preventing abuse … by police and other actors."

On the other hand, Swedish Amnesty is firmly opposed to the decriminalization of buying sex and pimping.

The Swedish Sex Purchase Act has already been copied by Norway and Iceland. France is currently adopting a similar legislation. Belgium, Finland, Ireland and the UK are looking to introduce similar laws. However, there are countries such as Denmark, Holland and Germany who have no plans for a law on sex purchasing akin to the Swedish-Norwegian pattern (a.k.a. as the "Nordic model").

There is much anger among Amnesty members in Sweden against plans by the parent organization to globally decriminalize sex purchasing, but Sofia Halth puts it diplomatically when she comments on the proposal by Amnesty’s International Secretariat.

She believes that this proposal, rooted in human rights, is "inadequate", it has a too one-sided focus on legislation, and the rights issues referred to in the proposal is "not formulated clearly enough".

“In addition, the material that has been developed is biased with regard to the existing literature,” adds Sofia Halth.

Swedish Amnesty is expected to call on Amnesty, at its annual meeting in Malmö, to shift its focus in terms of prostitution. They want to go from affirming "voluntariness and consent" to the demand that no one should be forced to sell sex because of discrimination, coercion, violence, vulnerability or distress.

Swedish Amnesty’s wish is that prostitution be addressed not only through legislation, but also through a variety of social interventions.

"Those who sell sex are often at the bottom of the social ladder and are subjected to severe human rights violations. The Swedish section therefore thinks it is an issue for Amnesty, but that we should focus on the substantive violations against people in prostitution," reads the proposed Swedish official response.

Amnesty International is expected to adopt, no earlier than this Fall, a final decision on how the organization should relate to issues of prostitution. Amnesty’s proposal is being submitted this summer to an international consultation.

(Translated by the TRADFEM collective)

Exclusive Interview with President Carter on Women’s Media Center Live with Robin Morgan
April 30, 2014

Former President Jimmy Carter Condemns Amnesty International UK Document “Decriminalization of Sex Work” & AI Position that Pimps and Johns Should Be “Free from Government Interference”

Exclusive Interview with President Carter on Women’s Media Center Live with Robin Morgan — Carter is the First Male Guest on Global Feminist Radio Program

For Immediate Release

New York, New York — Former President Jimmy Carter has volunteered to write a letter to Amnesty International strongly condemning a draft policy proposing the decriminalization of pimps and brothel keepers, after the document was brought to his attention during an exclusive interview with Robin Morgan, author, activist, and host of Women’s Media Center Live.

“It’s inconceivable to me that Amnesty International or any other organization that respects human rights would endorse slave masters who buy young girls and put them into involuntary servitude to be sex slaves,” says Carter. “And when they go and do this with brothel owners and pimps, then to me that violates the basic principles of human rights.”

The President’s response came after Morgan asked for Carter’s advice regarding a struggle the global women’s movement and other human rights advocates are waging against Amnesty International for AI’s surprising proposal that not only decriminalizes prostituted women — which Morgan supports — but also brothel owners, pimps, and customers.

“How do we deal with the cognitive dissonance that doesn’t see that the buying and selling of a human being for sex is a violation of human rights?” Morgan asked Carter during the 15-minute telephone interview, to air and post Saturday.

Morgan recently wrote an opinion piece for CNN urging Amnesty International to “regain its soul — and realize that survivors’ rights are women’s rights are human rights.” Instead, Morgan says, Amnesty should support the Nordic Model — begun in Sweden and now under adoption by France, Belgium, Ireland, and the European Parliament — which criminalizes pimps and penalizes customers, but offers the women support programs with no penalties. Global and petitions also urge Amnesty to reject the proposal.

Carter, whose Center for Mobilizing Faith for Women Initiative urges the adoption of the Nordic Model, says for the record that he  “will write directly to Amnesty International. I also will issue a public statement on this.”

Sweden, he adds, “has taken the most enlightened and the most effective position by saying that the . . . prosecution should be focused on brothel owners and pimps and male customers. This has been extremely effective by dramatically reducing the amount of prostitution in Sweden but also particularly almost eliminating the involuntary servitude of girls who are been bought into the slave trade.” Carter suggests that the U.S. also adopt the Nordic Model, “Because in the United States there are 50 girls who are arrested for every one brothel owner or pimp or male customer.”

During the interview, taped April 9, Carter also strongly recommends a new campaign to win the Equal Rights Amendment, and the U.S. ratification of CEDAW (the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women). He and Morgan also discuss the role of religion in obstructing women’s rights, sexual assault on college campuses, equal pay, and other issues.

Carter is the first male guest to appear on “Women’s Media Center Live with Robin Morgan,”  since the show began two years ago. He is promoting his new book, "A Call to Action: Women, Religion, Violence,”  which openly states that “the most serious and unaddressed worldwide challenge is the deprivation and abuse of women and girls.”

“Women’s Media Center Live with Robin Morgan” airs Saturdays on CBS radio (WJFK 1580 AM) at 11:00 a.m. ET and posts worldwide online at and iTunes (see Facebook and Twitter).

Morgan is a best-selling, award-winning author and political activist. She has appeared on “MSNBC’s Andrea Mitchell Reports” and “Jansing & Co.,” “The Charlie Rose Show,” “NBC News,” “C-SPAN,” “Good Morning America,” “The Today Show,” “CBS This Morning,” “The Tonight Show,” “Larry King Live” and numerous other programs around the world.

The Women’s Media Center works to make women and girls visible and powerful in the media through strategic programs that transform the media landscape, and that include media training, media monitoring and activism, media reports, media programs, an expert database (WMC SheSource) and special initiatives.

London’s Police Chief Promotes ‘Nordic Model’ Following Human Trafficking Pilot Project
London, Ontario, Canada / (CFPL AM) AM 980
by Natalie Lovie, April 17, 2014

After finding out just how prevalent human trafficking is in London, the Police Chief is leading the charge to decriminalize women involved in the sex trade.

Brad Duncan will be trying to drum up support at the upcoming meeting of the Ontario Chiefs of Police, for the so-called “Nordic Model”.

It’s a system that punishes pimps and johns, while legally decriminalizing prostituted women and helping them leave the sex trade for good.

London Police launched a pilot project last June, to investigate the source of human trafficking and develop strategies to deal with it.

Constable Jackie Henry delivered the disturbing results Wednesday, in a presentation to the Police Services Board.

“A lot of it has surprised me,” said Constable Henry. “At one point in time, there was a girl in one of the high schools trying to recruit women. Also, the prevalence on Facebook, with men trying to recruit women on Facebook simply by messaging a young woman who may appear vulnerable or who has a low self esteem.”

They won’t reveal which London high school the 18-year-old was found recruiting in, saying it could happen anywhere.

However, in that case, no charges were laid since no one came forward to cooperate with Police.

“The most difficult part of our job is getting these women to come forward and give us a statement to lay charges on these men because they are being exploited,” said Constable Henry. “They fear retaliation from their trafficker, so that’s the most difficult part is building a rapport with these women, and getting them to come forward, and give us a statement.”

Since launching the pilot project, Police have interacted with around 130 individuals who are involved in trafficking, with at least 10 women as young as 16-years-old.

According to Police, traffickers usually target girls and women between the ages of 14 and 24 years old.

The results have convinced Chief Brad Duncan that the Nordic Model is needed. He’ll be making a presentation to the leaders of other law enforcement agencies later this month to adopt it.

“My position is fundamentally, we should not be using the criminal code in order to arrest and get help for these women,” said Chief Duncan. “I prefer a Nordic model base where we still criminalize the johns, because that’s really where the trade is stimulated from, and we look at assisting these women because I can tell you that 95%, 98% or even higher choose not to be there, but they’re caught in the cycle, and we have to do something.”

Through the pilot project, Police discovered that once women are sucked into the sex trade, they’re sometimes forced to work all along the 401 corridor.

“It’s not localized,” added Chief Duncan. “We have women who will be in Durham one night, they’ll be in Guelph another night, Waterloo another night, Windsor.”

Social media, including Facebook, has helped fuel the business. During Wednesday’s presentation, Constable Henry presented website screen-shots of 16-year-old girls advertising sexual services in London.

“I think it was really clear when they talked about the websites that say they’re available 24 hours a day, seven days a week,” said Chief Duncan. “Who would ever engage in work that would be 24/7? That tells me that availability means they’re not controlling their work. I’m really reluctant to use the word ‘work’, because ‘work’ would indicate that you do so by choice, that you’re looking at some fair remuneration, that’s not occurring here.”

The Nordic model has long been supported by the London Abused Women’s Centre, who also believe completely decriminalizing prostitution would leave women unprotected against exploitation.

Academics Voice Support for 'Nordic Model' of Prostitution Open Letter
IB TimesBy Hannah Osborne | IB Times – Feb 26, 2014

A group of academics has written an open letter supporting the Nordic Model of prostitution, which criminalises the client instead of the prostitute, ahead of a vote at the European Parliament regarding the law.

The letter, which has been signed by 75 researchers and academics, supports Mary Honeyball's report that calls for the Nordic model, which is currently adopted in Sweden and Denmark, among others. If the vote passes later today, it will mark a shift in Europe's position on prostitution laws.

Read the full text of the open letter below. For a list of signatories, click here.

We write as a global network of researchers in support of Mary Honeyball's motion for a resolution on sexual exploitation and prostitution and its impact on gender equality

We do this on the basis of deep and systematic expertise in researching the dynamics of prostitution and the sex industry, trafficking and violence against women. Our research draws on contemporary evidence, on historical and philosophical inquiry, and importantly on the testimony of survivors of the prostitution system. Many of us have worked directly with prostituted women. We have individual and collective links with a wide variety of organisations working for the abolition of prostitution as an institution of gender inequality and exploitation.

We draw on both our practice-based evidence and our academic studies to strongly endorse the Honeyball report and its recommendation to adopt 'the Nordic model' as a pan-European approach to prostitution.

We believe it is important to signal that our position on prostitution is not grounded in a moralistic approach, or in any kind of hostility to women in the prostitution system. Nor is our position linked to considerations about maintaining 'public order'. Our concern is centrally with the human rights of women in protecting the dignity of all women equally, and with an end to all forms of the subordination and degradation of women.

The Honeyball Report calls attention to a number of key issues:

The gender asymmetry of the sex industry, that is, men are overwhelmingly the majority of those who buy sexual acts, and women and girls those whose bodies are bought.
Countries where buying sexual acts has been criminalised have seen sex markets shrink, and trafficking reduced. This is a success for these countries as nation states, and the European Parliament adoption of the Nordic model offers the potential to replicate this progress across Europe.

Attitudes shift where the purchase of sexual acts is criminalised, with surveys in Sweden for example consistently showing that a large majority now think the purchase of sexual acts is unacceptable. Law is a powerful tool in defining and changing what is, and is not, socially acceptable behaviour.

While we recognise that some women say they find selling sexual acts to be personally and economically empowering, these individual stories are not testament to the legitimacy of prostitution as a social institution. The prostitution system is a reminder of continuing inequalities between women and men: the gender pay gap; the sexualisation of female bodies in popular culture; histories of violence and abuse in both childhood and adulthood that underpin many women's entry into the sex industry. The persistence of these economic and social inequalities in every European country (and globally) is well documented in a wealth of academic research. Together these layers of disadvantage experienced by women mean that so- called 'free' choices are actually decisions made in conditions of already existing inequality and discrimination. Women's choices should not be measured simply by where they end up (in prostitution), but by the circumstances in which these choices must be made. Choices made in conditions of being unequal cannot be considered 'free'.

The Honeyball Report is a landmark because it shifts focus to the choices that men make to purchase sexual acts. Systematic research from Finland2 and the UK in particular reveals that men who pay for sexual acts do so because they believe that biological urges lead them to 'need' sex from a variety of different women. Some men explicitly report that they buy sexual acts because it is a context where they do not have to think about women as equal human beings with their own feelings, wishes and desires. Men's own experiences of prostitution, as collated on sites such as The Invisible Men, provide a chilling picture of the reality of prostitution for women: of violence, desperation, subordination and despair.

This is why the Honeyball Report is clear that the idea and the reality that women's bodies can be bought – and sold – by men, to men, both creates and perpetuates relations between women and men as a hierarchy. Prostitution is, as the Honeyball Report states, a form and a cause and a consequence of gender inequality. Achieving gender equality means taking steps towards a world where progress goes beyond improving the status of individual women in conditions of discrimination, but addresses those conditions. Criminalising the purchase of sexual acts, decriminalising those who sell, and providing specialist support to women to be able to leave prostitution, are measures that directly address gender inequalities.

The decision for your vote this week is whether or not to challenge the fiction that it is natural and inevitable for men to buy access to women's bodies for sexual release, and whether or not to challenge this as a deeply-rooted form of gender inequality.

The European Parliament has an historic opportunity to act as a global beacon on gender equality, following the pioneering example set by the Nordic countries. We urge you and your party members not to waste it, and to vote for the Honeyball motion.

Uncovered: Shocking investigation reveals sex trade in girls bought in Romania and sold as prostitutes in Britain
Feb 22, 2014 By Matthew Drake

One gang boss told us: 'England's opened the gates and can't do nothing... Buy these girls for £500 each, they will do 20 clients a day no problem'

With his arms draped around two pretty young women, an Eastern European Mr Big prepares to sell them off as sex slaves bound for Britain.

Evil Adrian Meder is just one of a network of gang bosses aiming to supply girls and make millions over the EU scrapping of our border restrictions with Romania and Bulgaria.

They aim to flood the UK with ­thousands of young women sold into a sordid, nightmare life of vice.

Shortly after this picture was taken in a seedy Romanian club, gloating Meder, 31, boasted to our undercover ­investigators, posing as London pimps, that we could buy both the girls he is posing with for £500 each.

And they would be in the UK by Wednesday, working for us as hookers.

“There is no problems with them going,” he said, grinning. “Because in England they have opened the gate. They can’t do nothing to you. Romania is in Europe now.

“The girls, they have 20 clients per day, no problem. Romanian girls are good for this because it is the job that they know. They stay in school and then they can’t find work and the only solution is to go to work in other countries.

“If you are OK with them and don’t beat them they will be good. They work and they know what they do.”

By the end of the night Meder would offer our men four girls, just out of their teens, for £2,000.

He said the girls would charge punters £120 an hour but they wouldn’t know their pimp would keep £70 of that.

The deal was offered only three weeks after we first made contact with a London-based fixer.

Meder told us he would be driving to Britain this week on business. Yesterday we informed ­Scotland Yard of our investigation and told them Meder was heading here.

The giggling, starry-eyed girls know a life of prostitution awaits but can have little idea of the brutal reality that may entail.

Once in the UK, the girls disappear into a black market of sleazy backstreet saunas, brothels and relentless escort agency work . Many turn to drugs in despair.

The girls are briefed on how to dupe immigration officials into believing they are entering the country to earn a living as hotel workers, waitresses or cleaners.

Last night a shocked Labour MP Fiona MacTaggart, chair of the All Party Parliamentary Group on Human Trafficking, said of our evidence: “This is clearly horrible exploitation.

“We aren’t doing enough to protect young women from around Europe from being sold into sexual bondage like this. It is outrageous.”

On Thursday our investigators joined Meder in the Liquid club in the ­back-streets of Sibiu in Romania’s poverty-stricken Transylvania.

After introducing us to one of his muscular henchmen, Meder led us to a VIP area above the dance floor. He ordered bottles of vodka for his table and told the girls to parade for our benefit. He constantly plied the girls with spirits as he auctioned them off.

Introducing a tiny 22-year-old, wearing only a black boob tube and leather trousers, Meder told us she speaks only “a tiny bit of English” but is extremely keen to go to Britain.

Asked if she knew what kind of work she would be expected to do, he grinned and said: “Of course.”

A 23-year-old was then shown to the table. We were told she was due to sit an important exam the following week. But Meder said: “No problem. I can speak with people and they will give her pass. She can travel to London next week.”

The fixer was at pains to ­emphasise there would be no trouble importing his girls and making money from them. He said: “This kind of work is between the rules. It’s not legal and it is not illegal.”

Like many gang bosses throughout Eastern Europe Meder knows the EU policy of “free movement” between member states works well for them.

Immigration restrictions placed on Bulgaria and Romania when they joined the EU in 2007 ran out on New Year’s Day, allowing their citizens easy entry to the UK. Watchdogs estimate ­European crime lords already net £20billion a year from the vice trade. And experts fear that number will continue to soar because of the end of restrictions.

The open borders policy means the movement of sex workers now goes largely undetected by Interpol and the UK Border Agency.

National Crime Agency figures show there were 1,746 reports of human ­trafficking from 112 countries last year – a 47 per cent leap on the 2012 total.

And in 2010, the Association of Chief Police Officers estimated that up to 12,200 women working in off-street prostitution in Britain had possibly been trafficked. It is little wonder a confident Meder told our investigators: “There will be no problem. If somebody ask (at immigration) ‘what do you do here?’ Then the girl say ‘I work in a hotel’ or ‘I have a friend.’ They have one thousand possible lies. Don’t worry about it.

“The Romanian girls are not stupid. They go with identity card now.”

Meder also introduced our team to the girls in the picture – one 21, the other 22 – who asked to be taken to England as a pair for safety.

At one point, Meder pushed the 22-year-old towards our team, desperate to make a sale. She said: “I look forward to seeing you in London next week.”

In a vain attempt to justify his sex slaves operation, Meder assured us: “They go because they want to go. I do not have to tell them. They are not forced. It is no longer working like that. They go because they want to go.” At a meeting in a restaurant on the outskirts of Sibiu a day earlier, he bragged about the riches that could be made from his stable of women.

“One friend of mine in one year with three girls, he make one million euros,” said Meder. “When I meet him in Austria he come with a Maserati. A 350,000 euro car. With just three girls in one year.”

He claimed the key to a fortune was shepherding the girls around countries. “If you want to make good money you have to change them,” said Meder.

“I have girls two weeks in England and after that I go three weeks with them in Norway and then after that Swiss and after that Ireland. That’s how you make good money.

Outside the club on Thursday night, Meder rubbed his hands at the thought of another sale. He told our investigators: “You tell me when you want the girl to come. You book the flight and they will be in London on Wednesday.” Our team made their excuses and left.

Last night Tory MP Peter Bone, who previously chaired the all-party group on trafficking, said the end of restrictions was “a gift to traffickers”. He said: “That’s one of the disadvantages of free movement.”

Aneeta Prem, of Freedom Charity, feared the numbers were “just the tip of the iceberg”.

She added: “This is modern day slavery. The number of people contacting us who have been sexually trafficked seems to be growing enormously. It becomes a nightmare for them. They feel powerless to go back home.”
Follow us: @DailyMirror on Twitter | DailyMirror on Facebook

Chart above from "Attacking the demand for child sex trafficking"
by Siddharth Kara


Millions of women and girls around the world are exploited in the commercial sex industry, mainly in prostitution, which is often the end destination of sex trafficking. While most activists, lawmakers and international and regional organizations agree that the trafficking of women and girls for prostitution is a serious problem and a human rights violation, there is disagreement as to the best way to prevent sex trafficking and exploitation in prostitution.

An effective approach to preventing trafficking and exploitation is the ‘Nordic model’ (also known as the ‘Swedish model’), a set of laws and policies that penalizes the demand for commercial sex while decriminalizing individuals in prostitution and providing them with support services, including help for those who wish to exit prostitution.

The Nordic model has two main goals: to curb the demand for commercial sex that fuels sex trafficking, and promote equality between men and women. It is based on an approach first adopted in Sweden in 1999, and followed by Norway and Iceland.


Sex trafficking is a criminal industry that operates on the market principles of supply and demand. Demand is created by the (mainly) men who pay for commercial sex.

Traffickers, pimps, brothel owners and other facilitators profit from this demand by supplying the women and girls who are exploited every day in the commercial sex industry.

Sex trafficking does not just exist because its victims are vulnerable - it exists because there is a demand for commercial sex that traffickers can exploit and profit from.

Thus, addressing the demand for commercial sex is a key component of any plan to prevent sex trafficking and sexual exploitation.

Men who buy sex and thereby create the demand that fuels trafficking have stated that greater criminal penalties, having their name publicized and having a letter sent home stating that they were arrested for buying sex would deter them from buying sex.


Women and girls who are trafficked and exploited to satisfy the demand for commercial sex are treated as commodities to be bought, sold, exploited and abused.

An estimated 98% of sex trafficking victims are women and girls and the vast majority of commercial sex “buyers” are men. Buyers often have specific preferences regarding the women and girls they buy - including “young” or “fresh” girls, specific races/ethnicities, and body shapes and sizes – but most importantly, they want on-demand sexual access to a diverse supply of women and girls. Exploitation of women and girls in the commercial sex industry is both a cause and consequence of gender and other inequalities. It entails numerous human rights violations, including of the right to equality and non-discrimination, dignity, health and to be free from violence, torture, inhuman and degrading treatment.

It perpetuates the idea that it’s acceptable to buy women’s and girls’ bodies as long as a buyer can pay for it. The Nordic model challenges this construct and tries to redress these inequalities by promoting women’s and girls’ right to safety, health and non-discrimination, and by challenging men’s perceived – but nonexistent – “right” to buy women’s bodies for sex. Unsurprisingly, 3 of the top 4 countries with the highest level of gender equality have adopted the Nordic model.

Sex trafficking does not just exist because its victims are vulnerable - it exists because there is a demand for commercial sex that traffickers can exploit and profit from. 3 of the 4 countries with the highest level of gender equality have adopted the Nordic model as a way to combat sex trafficking and sexual exploitation.


In 1999, as part of a Violence Against Women bill, Sweden passed a law that criminalized buyers of sex while keeping the person who sold or was sold for sex decriminalized.

Sweden understood that gender inequality and sexual exploitation, including sex trafficking, could not be combated effectively as long as it was considered acceptable to purchase access to another – often more vulnerable and disadvantaged – person’s body.

Alongside this law, the Swedish government made a significant investment in exit programs for those who wish to leave prostitution and to provide comprehensive social services for victims of exploitation, which is essential for a victim-centered, human rights-based approach to combating trafficking. Since the introduction of the law, street prostitution has decreased (while increasing dramatically in Sweden’s neighbors) and Sweden has become an undesirable destination for pimps and traffickers.

In addition, the new law has influenced attitudes regarding the purchase of sex: from 1996 (before the law) until 2008, the number of male sex buyers decreased from 13.6% to 7.9%.


Several countries have followed Sweden’s example, and many more are considering this approach. Norway and Iceland passed similar laws in 2008 and 2009, respectively, while in a

growing trend sweeping across Europe, Nordic-model style legislation has recently been discussed in the parliaments of France, Ireland, Northern Ireland, Scotland and England and Wales. In early 2014, the parliaments of the European Union and the Council of Europe both adopted non-binding resolutions recommending member states to consider the Nordic Model.

An increasing number of activists and organizations across the globe, many of which are survivor-led, including in countries such as South Africa, India, the U.S. and Canada, are calling for lawmakers to recognize the realities of prostitution and to enact the Nordic model. This is in line with countries’ international legal obligation to address demand.

The UN Committee on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women, and the former head of UN Women have also called for countries to combat the demand for commercial sex in order to prevent sex trafficking and promote gender equality.

Learn more at

See e.g.
CAASE, Deconstructing the Demand for Prostitution: Preliminary Insights from Interviews with Men who Buy Sex, May 2008, available at:;
Jan Macleod, Melissa Farley,Lynn Anderson, and Jacqueline Golding, Challenging Men’s Demand for Prostitution in Scotland, 2008, available at:

International Labour Organization, Minimum Estimate of Forced Labour in the World, April 2005, p. 6.

Iceland is 1, Norway is 3 and Sweden is 4. World Economic Forum, The Global Gender Gap Report 2013, available at:

Swedish Ministry of Justice, English summary of the Evaluation of the ban on purchase of sexual services (1999-2008), 2 July 2010. The report acknowledges the limitations in determining the prevalence of illegal activities, but even with these limitations, it is confident in the statements above.
See also Presentation by Simon Haggstrom, Stockholm police, 2013:

Kajsa Claude, Targeting the sex buyer, the Swedish Institute (2010), available at:

European Parliament resolution:; Council of Europe resolution:
See e.g.,

Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children, supplementing the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime, Article 9(5); General Assembly resolution 67/145, para 22 (‘Encourages Governments and relevant United Nations discourage, with a view to eliminating, the demand that fosters all forms of exploitation, including sexual exploitation’).

See e.g. CEDAW Committee Concluding Observations for Finland (UN Doc CEDAW/C/FIN/CO/7 (2014), Para 21; Republic of Korea (U.N. Doc. CEDAW/C/KOR/CO/7 (2011), para. 23(f);

Botswana, U.N. Doc. CEDAW/C/BOT/CO/3 (2010), para. 28.

Michelle Bachelet, “Fighting Human Trafficking: Partnership and Innovation to End Violence Against Women and Children”, United Nations General Assembly Interactive Dialogue, 3 April 2012.

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